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The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1

United States. Constitutional Convention (recorded by James Madison) · 1787 (composed during the convention; Madison’s notes later revised) primary

passage 197 of 238 · part of the Fifth Article of the Confederation of the said > part of Virg^a is now on the point of a separation. In the province of (9/50)

↪ you wandered here via “state representation voting” — the connecting lines are tinted below

in brief
On Monday July 9, a committee report proposes a House apportionment of one representative per 40,000 inhabitants (initially 56 total), authorizing later adjustments based on wealth and population, and appointing a committee to refine the first paragraph.

M^r Sherman moved to refer the 1^{st} part apportioning the Representatives, to a Comm^e of a member from each State.

M^r Gov^r Morris seconded the motion; observing that this was the only case in which such committees were useful.

M^r Williamson thought it would be necessary to return to the rule of numbers, but that the Western States stood on different footing. If their property shall be rated as high as that of the Atlantic States, then their representation ought to hold a like proportion. Otherwise if their property was not to be equally rated.

M^r Gov^r Morris. The Report is little more than a guess. Wealth was not altogether disregarded by the Com^e. Where it was apparently in favor of one State, whose n^{os} were superior to the numbers of another, by a fraction only, a member extraordinary was allowed to the former: and so vice versa. The Committee meant little more than to bring the matter to a point for the consideration of the House.

M^r Reed asked why Georgia was allowed 2 members, when her number of inhabitants had stood below that of Delaware.

M^r Gov^r Morris. Such is the rapidity of the population of that State, that before the plan takes effect, it will probably be entitled to 2 Representatives.

M^r Randolph, disliked the Report of the Com^e but had been unwilling to object to it. He was apprehensive that as the number was not be changed, till the Nat^l Legislature should please, a pretext would never be wanting to postpone alterations, and keep the power in the hands of those possessed of it. He was in favor of the Commitm^t to a member from each State.

M^r Patterson considered the proposed estimate for the future according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague. For this reason N. Jersey was ag^{st} it. He could regard negroes slaves in no light but as property. They are no free agents, have no personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the contrary are themselves property, & like other property entirely at the will of the Master. Has a man in Virg^a a number of votes in proportion to the number of his slaves? And if negroes are not represented in the States to which they belong, why should they be represented in the Gen^l Gov^t. What is the true principle of Representation? It is an expedient by which an assembly of certain individ^{ls} chosen by the people is substituted in place of the inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. If such a meeting of the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? They would not. Why then sh^d they be represented. He was also ag^{st} such an indirect encouragem^t of the slave trade; observing that Cong^s in their act relating to the change of the 8 art: of Confed^n had been ashamed to use the term "slaves" & had substituted a description.

M^r Madison reminded M^r Patterson that his doctrine of Representation which was in its principle the genuine one, must forever silence the pretensions of the small States to an equality of votes with the large ones. They ought to vote in the same proportion in which their Citizens would do, if the people of all the States were collectively met. He suggested as a proper ground of compromise, that in the first branch the States should be represented according to their number of free inhabitants; And in the 2^d which had for one of its primary objects the guardianship of property, according to the whole number, including slaves.

M^r Butler urged warmly the justice & necessity of regarding wealth in the apportionment of Representation.

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topics: assemblies, councils, and senates · political legitimacy and consent · rank, class, and social order

The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitut… · United States. Constitutional Convention (recorded by James Madison) · 1787