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The Constitution of the United States of America: Analysis and Interpretation

Edward S. Corwin · 1953

passage 100 of 1082 · act to regulate and minimize, are local controversies and > Section 8. The Congress shall have Power to lay and collect (5/6)

The Protective Tariff

The earliest examples of taxes levied with a view to promoting desired economic objectives in addition to raising revenue were, of course, import duties. The second statute adopted by the first Congress was a tariff act which recited that "it is necessary for the support of government, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares and merchandise imported."[271] After being debated for nearly a century and a half, the constitutionality of protective tariffs was finally settled by the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court in Hampton and Company v. United States,[272] where Chief Justice Taft wrote: "The second objection to Sec. 315 is that the declared plan of Congress, either expressly or by clear implication, formulates its rule to guide the President and his advisory Tariff Commission as one directed to a tariff system of protection that will avoid damaging competition to the country's industries by the importation of goods from other countries at too low a rate to equalize foreign and domestic competition in the markets of the United States. It is contended that the only power of Congress in the levying of customs duties is to create revenue, and that it is unconstitutional to frame the customs duties with any other view than that of revenue raising. * * * In this first Congress sat many members of the Constitutional Convention of 1787. This Court has repeatedly laid down the principle that a contemporaneous legislative exposition of the Constitution when the founders of our Government and framers of our Constitution were actively participating in public affairs, long acquiesced in, fixes the construction to be given its provisions. * * * The enactment and enforcement of a number of customs revenue laws drawn with a motive of maintaining a system of protection, since the revenue law of 1789, are matters of history. * * * Whatever we may think of the wisdom of a protection policy, we can not hold it unconstitutional. So long as the motive of Congress and the effect of its legislative action are to secure revenue for the benefit of the general government, the existence of other motives in the selection of the subject of taxes cannot invalidate Congressional action."[273]

SPENDING FOR THE GENERAL WELFARE

The grant of power to "provide * * * for the general welfare" raises a two-fold question: How may Congress provide for "the general welfare" and what is "the general welfare" which it is authorized to promote? The first half of this question was answered by Thomas Jefferson in his Opinion on the Bank as follows: "* * * the laying of taxes is the power, and the general welfare the purpose for which the power is to be exercised. They [Congress] are not to lay taxes ad libitum for any purpose they please*; but only to pay the debts or provide for the welfare of the Union. In like manner, they are not to do anything they please to provide for the general welfare, but only to *lay taxes for that purpose."[274] The clause, in short, is not an independent grant of power, but a qualification of the taxing power. Although a broader view has been occasionally asserted,[275] Congress has not acted upon it and the Courts have had no occasion to adjudicate the point.

Hamilton v. Madison

With respect to the meaning of "the general welfare" the pages of The Federalist itself disclose a sharp divergence of views between its two principal authors. Hamilton adopted the literal, broad meaning of the clause;[276] Madison contended that the powers of taxation and appropriation of the proposed government should be regarded as merely instrumental to its remaining powers, in other words, as little more than a power of self-support.[277] From an early date Congress has acted upon the interpretation espoused by Hamilton. Appropriations for subsidies[278] and for an ever increasing variety of "internal improvements"[279] constructed by the Federal Government, had their beginnings in the administrations of Washington and Jefferson.[280] Since 1914, federal grants-in-aid,--sums of money apportioned among the States for particular uses, often conditioned upon the duplication of the sums by the recipient State, and upon observance of stipulated restrictions as to its use--have become commonplace.[281]

Triumph of the Hamiltonian Theory

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The Constitution of the United States of America: Analysis and Interpretation · Edward S. Corwin · 1953