what omens were taken seriously before battle

112 passages kept of 197 candidates · 44 works · 800 BCE–1651 · 100% primary

Synthesis gpt-5.4-nano over 112 passages

Across the earlier Greek material, omens taken seriously before battle appear as concrete, immediately observable signs tied to collective morale or individual reassurance. In Homer, when “a bird flew by upon his right hand,” “the host… shouted, for they took heart at the omen” [46]. Similarly, Odysseus requests a “word of good omen within, and without,” and Zeus answers with thunder, after which Odysseus is “glad” [103]. Other clusters largely do not provide battle-specific omen episodes, though they show that divination could be institutionally important: Tacitus states that Germanic peoples are “addicted to divination by omens and lots” and gives a method for it [1]. Where disagreement appears, Epictetus discourages “unreasonable regard to divination,” arguing instead that “all omens are fortunate if I choose to have it so” [47]. Thus, the strongest convergence is in recognizing omens (especially in Homer) as operational for morale, while later sources debate their value rather than narrating concrete battlefield signs [46] [103] [47].

Caveat. This set cannot establish a uniform “omen list” across all societies, since most clusters omit specific pre-battle omen events and only a few passages give explicit omen-to-action details.

Not directly relevant to what omens were taken seriously before battle in these excerpts. · 58 sources

These passages focus on military planning, harangues, timing, formations, or non-omen religious ideas, without describing an omen being interpreted and acted upon before battle.

“Where are our covenants now, and where the oaths that we have taken? Shall our counsels be flung into the fire, with our drink-offerings and the right hands of fellowship wherein we have put our trust? We waste our time in words, and for all our talking here shall be no further forward.”

Homer — The Iliad · ancient · Ionia (Hellenic Greek world), likely Chios or Smyrna region · primary [10]

““Shame on you,” he cried, “to stay talking here like children, when you should fight like men. Where are our covenants now, and where the oaths that we have taken? Shall our counsels be flung into the fire, with our drink-offerings and the right hands of fellowship wherein we have put our trust? We waste our time in words, and for all our talking here shall be no further forward. Stand, therefore, son of Atreus, by your own steadfast purpose; lead the Argives on to battle, and leave this handful of men to rot, who scheme, and scheme in vain, to get back to Argos ere they have learned whether Jove be true or a liar. For the mighty son of Saturn surely promised that we should succeed, when we Argives set sail to bring death and destruction upon the Trojans.” BOOK I. > BOOK II. (7/14) · passage 16 · cos 0.59

“Meanwhile the rest of the Trojans were fighting about the other gates; I, however, am no god to be able to tell about all these things, for the battle raged everywhere about the stone wall as it were a fiery furnace.”

Homer — The Iliad · ancient · Ionia (Hellenic Greek world), likely Chios or Smyrna region · primary [21]

“against all who would take them—even so these men, though they be but two, will not be driven from the gates, but stand firm either to slay or be slain.” He spoke, but moved not the mind of Jove, whose counsel it then was to give glory to Hector. Meanwhile the rest of the Trojans were fighting about the other gates; I, however, am no god to be able to tell about all these things, for the battle raged everywhere about the stone wall as it were a fiery furnace. The Argives, discomfited though they were, were forced to defend their ships, and all the gods who were defending the Achaeans were vexed in spirit; but the Lapithae kept on fighting with might and main. Thereon Polypoetes, mighty son of Pirithous, hit Damasus with a spear upon his cheek-pierced helmet.” BOOK I. > BOOK XII. (4/8) · passage 126 · cos 0.60

“With this she darted furiously everywhere among the hosts of the Achaeans, urging them forward, and putting courage into the heart of each, so that he might fight and do battle without ceasing. Thus war became sweeter in their eyes even than returning home in their ships.”

Homer — The Iliad · ancient · Ionia (Hellenic Greek world), likely Chios or Smyrna region · primary [27]

“From it there waved a hundred tassels of pure gold, all deftly woven, and each one of them worth a hundred oxen. With this she darted furiously everywhere among the hosts of the Achaeans, urging them forward, and putting courage into the heart of each, so that he might fight and do battle without ceasing. Thus war became sweeter in their eyes even than returning home in their ships. As when some great forest fire is raging upon a mountain top and its light is seen afar, even so as they marched the gleam of their armour flashed up into the firmament of heaven.” BOOK I. > BOOK II. (8/14) · passage 17 · cos 0.58

“Wilt thou yet further rouse up evil war and the terrible din of battle, or art thou minded to set them at one again in friendship?” Then Zeus, the gatherer of the clouds, answered her saying: “My child, why dost thou thus straitly question me, and ask me this? Nay didst not thou thyself devise this very thought, namely, that Odysseus should indeed take vengeance on these men at his coming?”

Homer — The Odyssey of Homer · Composed in antiquity (date uncertain; likely 8th century BCE) · Ithaca, Greece · primary [73]

“Now Athene spake to Zeus, the son of Cronos, saying: “O Father, our father Cronides, throned in the highest, answer and tell me what is now the hidden counsel of thy heart? Wilt thou yet further rouse up evil war and the terrible din of battle, or art thou minded to set them at one again in friendship?” Then Zeus, the gatherer of the clouds, answered her saying: “My child, why dost thou thus straitly question me, and ask me this? Nay didst not thou thyself devise this very thought, namely, that Odysseus should indeed take vengeance on these men at his coming? Do as thou wilt, but I will tell thee of the better way.” BOOK I. > BOOK XXIV. (10/12) · passage 255 · cos 0.54

“And the steadfast goodly Odysseus beheld her and was glad, and straightway he spake to Telemachus his dear son: “Telemachus, soon shalt thou learn this, when thou thyself art got to the place of the battle where the best men try the issue,—namely, not to bring shame on thy father’s house, on us who in time past have been eminent for might and hardihood over all the world.” Then wise Telemachus answered him, saying: “Thou shalt see me, if thou wilt, dear father, in this my mood no whit disgraci”

Homer — The Odyssey of Homer · Composed in antiquity (date uncertain; likely 8th century BCE) · Ithaca, Greece · primary [78]

“Then Athene, daughter of Zeus, drew near them in the likeness of Mentor, in fashion and in voice. And the steadfast goodly Odysseus beheld her and was glad, and straightway he spake to Telemachus his dear son: “Telemachus, soon shalt thou learn this, when thou thyself art got to the place of the battle where the best men try the issue,—namely, not to bring shame on thy father’s house, on us who in time past have been eminent for might and hardihood over all the world.” Then wise Telemachus answered him, saying: “Thou shalt see me, if thou wilt, dear father, in this my mood no whit disgracing thy line, according to thy word.” So spake he, and Laertes was glad and spake, saying: “What a day has dawned for me, kind gods; yea, a glad man am I!” BOOK I. > BOOK XXIV. (11/12) · passage 256 · cos 0.54

Homer — The Odyssey of Homer · Composed in antiquity (date uncertain; likely 8th century BCE) · Ithaca, Greece · primary [84]

“but for thee regret for thy much livelihood. But we will neither go to our own lands, nor otherwhere, till she marry that man whom she will of the Achaeans.” Then wise Telemachus answered him, saying: “Antinous, I may in no wise thrust forth from the house, against her will, the woman that bare me, that reared me: while as for my father he is abroad on the earth, whether he be alive or dead. Moreover it is hard for me to make heavy restitution to Icarius, as needs I must, if of mine own will I send my mother away. For I shall have evil at his hand, at the hand of her father, and some god will give me more besides, for my mother will call down the dire Avengers as she departs from the house, and I shall have blame of men; surely then I will never speak this word.” BOOK I. > BOOK II. (4/9) · passage 24 · cos 0.56

“118 But the Scythians, whenever they saw that the Persians were disquieted, then in order that they might remain a longer time in Scythia and in remaining might suffer by being in want of everything, would leave some of their own cattle behind with the herdsmen, while they themselves rode out of the way to another place, and the Persians would come upon the cattle and take them, and having taken them they were elated at what they had done.”

Herodotus — The History of Herodotus — Volume 1 · c. 440–430 BCE (composition of Histories; Volume I corresponds to Book I, “Clio”) · Halicarnassus · primary [62]

“So far then the Persians had the advantage for a small part of the war. 118 But the Scythians, whenever they saw that the Persians were disquieted, then in order that they might remain a longer time in Scythia and in remaining might suffer by being in want of everything, would leave some of their own cattle behind with the herdsmen, while they themselves rode out of the way to another place, and the Persians would come upon the cattle and take them, and having taken them they were elated at what they had done. 131. As this happened often, at length Dareios began to be in straits; and the kings of the Scythians perceiving this sent a herald bearing as gifts to Dareios a bird and a mouse and a frog and five arrows.” BOOK I. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CLIO > BOOK IV. THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED MELPOMENE (40/66) · passage 277 · cos 0.54

“other diviners come in, and again others after them. If then the greater number acquit the man, the sentence is that the first diviners shall themselves be put to death. 69.”

Herodotus — The History of Herodotus — Volume 1 · c. 440–430 BCE (composition of Histories; Volume I corresponds to Book I, “Clio”) · Halicarnassus · primary [76]

“other diviners come in, and again others after them. If then the greater number acquit the man, the sentence is that the first diviners shall themselves be put to death. 69. They put them to death accordingly in the following manner:—first they fill a waggon with brushwood and yoke oxen to it; then having bound the feet of the diviners and tied their hands behind them and stopped their mouths with gags, they fasten them down in the middle of the brushwood, and having set fire to it they scare the oxen and let them go: and often the oxen are burnt to death together with the diviners, and often they escape after being scorched, when the pole to which they are fastened has been burnt: and they burn the diviners in the manner described for other causes also, calling them false prophets.” BOOK I. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CLIO > BOOK IV. THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED MELPOMENE (21/66) · passage 258 · cos 0.54

“Since the fate of both thus hangs upon this single battle, now, if ever, stand firm, and remember, each and all, that you who are now going on board are the army and navy of the Athenians, and all that is left of the state and the great name of Athens, in whose defence if any man has any advantage in skill or courage, now is the time for him to show it, and thus serve himself and save all.” After this address Nicias at once gave orders to man the ships.”

Thucydides — The History of the Peloponnesian War · Composed beginning at the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War (traditionally 431 BCE); continued thereafter (Book I–VIII survive; work unfinished). · Athens, Greece · primary [82]

“Here you will fall at once into the hands of the Syracusans—I need not remind you of the intentions with which you attacked them—and your countrymen at home will fall into those of the Lacedaemonians. Since the fate of both thus hangs upon this single battle, now, if ever, stand firm, and remember, each and all, that you who are now going on board are the army and navy of the Athenians, and all that is left of the state and the great name of Athens, in whose defence if any man has any advantage in skill or courage, now is the time for him to show it, and thus serve himself and save all.” After this address Nicias at once gave orders to man the ships. Meanwhile Gylippus and the Syracusans could perceive by the preparations which they saw going on that the Athenians meant to fight at sea.” BOOK I > CHAPTER XXIII (7/19) · passage 334 · cos 0.54

“largest part takes and keeps the whole of the profit; and this is what the powerful and young among you aspire to, but in a great city cannot possibly obtain.”

“largest part takes and keeps the whole of the profit; and this is what the powerful and young among you aspire to, but in a great city cannot possibly obtain. “But even now, foolish men, most senseless of all the Hellenes that I know, if you have no sense of the wickedness of your designs, or most criminal if you have that sense and still dare to pursue them—even now, if it is not a case for repentance, you may still learn wisdom, and thus advance the interest of the country, the common interest of us all. Reflect that in the country’s prosperity the men of merit in your ranks will have a share and a larger share than the great mass of your fellow countrymen, but that if you have other designs you run a risk of being deprived of all; and desist from reports like these, as the people know your object and will not put up with it.” BOOK I > CHAPTER XIX (5/12) · passage 277 · cos 0.54

“and noticing that the men were most of them cowed by the previous defeat and out of heart for the business, first called them together and encouraged them as follows: “Peloponnesians, the late engagement, which may have made some of you afraid of the one now in prospect, really gives no just ground for apprehension. Preparation for it, as you know, there was little enough; and the object of our voyage was not so much to fight at sea as an expedition by land. Besides this, the chances of war were largely against us; and perhaps also inexperience had something to do with our failure in our first naval action.” BOOK I > CHAPTER VIII (9/17) · passage 104 · cos 0.53

Demosthenes (translated by Arthur Wallace Pickard-Cambridge) — The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 1 · 4th century BCE · Athens, Greece · primary [91]

“I may have overlooked to-day (for perhaps it is difficult to think of everything), and there will be a single organization for the whole fleet and every part of it. {24} But what of funds? What resources have we immediately at our command? The statement which I am about to make on this subject will no doubt be astonishing; but I will make it nevertheless; for I am convinced that upon a correct view of the facts, this statement alone will be proved true, and will be justified by the event. I say then, that this is not the time to discuss the financial question. We have large resources upon which, in case of necessity, we may honourably and rightly draw: but if we inquire for them now, we shall not believe that we can rely upon them even against the hour of need; so far shall we be from supplying them now.” (20/82) · passage 19 · cos 0.55

Demosthenes — The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes · 4th century BCE (during the Olynthian crisis, i.e., before Philip II’s final subjugation of Olynthus) · Athens, Attica, Greece · primary [112]

“of Euphraeus, they have either banished or put to death; Euphraeus killed himself, proving by deed, that he had resisted Philip honestly and purely for the good of his countrymen. What can be the reason--perhaps you wonder--why the Olynthians and Eretrians and Orites were more indulgent to Philip's advocates than to their own? The same which operates with you. They who advise for the best can not always gratify their audience, though they would; for the safety of the state must be attended to: their opponents by the very counsel which is agreeable advance Philip's interest. One party required contribution; the other said there was no necessity: one were for war and mistrust; the other for peace, until they were ensnared.” (49/63) · passage 48 · cos 0.53

“Thus, though I learnt my fate from evil omens even before now, I have left my fatherland to embark on the ship, that so after my embarking fair fame may be left me in my house." Thus he spake; and the youths hearing the divine utterance rejoiced at their return, but grief seized them for the fate of Idmon.”

Apollonius Rhodius — The Argonautica · c. 3rd century BCE (composition of the Argonautica; second edition/revision in Rhodes) · Alexandria, Egypt · primary [95]

“But it is my lot, by the hateful decree of a god, to die somewhere afar off on the mainland of Asia. Thus, though I learnt my fate from evil omens even before now, I have left my fatherland to embark on the ship, that so after my embarking fair fame may be left me in my house." Thus he spake; and the youths hearing the divine utterance rejoiced at their return, but grief seized them for the fate of Idmon.” BOOK I > BOOK I (8/25) · passage 12 · cos 0.53

“[Sidenote: Dispositions for the battle of Cannae.] +113.+ When he took over the command on the following day, as soon as the sun was above the horizon, Gaius Terentius got the army in motion from both the camps.”

Polybius — The Histories of Polybius, Vol. 1 (of 2) · c. 160–118 BCE (composition of the Histories; later books/fragments extend beyond this span) · Megalopolis (Arcadia), Greece · primary [8]

“For the Romans in times of danger take extraordinary pains to appease gods and men, and look upon no ceremony of that kind in such times as unbecoming or beneath their dignity. [Sidenote: Dispositions for the battle of Cannae.] +113.+ When he took over the command on the following day, as soon as the sun was above the horizon, Gaius Terentius got the army in motion from both the camps. Those from the larger camp he drew up in order of battle, as soon as he had got them across the river, and bringing up those of the smaller camp he placed them all in the same line, selecting the south as the aspect of the whole. The Roman horse he stationed on the right wing along the river, and their foot next them in the same line, placing the maniples, however, closer together than usual, and making the depth of each maniple several times greater than its front.” BOOK I > BOOK III (80/82) · passage 241 · cos 0.60

“[Sidenote: Hannibal harangues his troops.] +111.+ Then Hannibal, seeing that his circumstances called for a battle with the enemy, being anxious lest his troops should be depressed by their previous reverse, and believing that it was an occasion which required some encouraging words, summoned a general meeting of his soldiers. When they were assembled, he bid them all look round upon the country, and asked them, “What better fortune they could have asked from the gods, if they had had the choice, than to fight in such ground as they saw there, with the vast superiority of cavalry on their side?” And when all signified their acquiescence in such an evident truth, he added: “First, then, give thanks to the gods: for they have brought the enemy into this country, because they designed the victory for us.” BOOK I > BOOK III (79/82) · passage 240 · cos 0.61

“Again, he must necessarily understand the subdivisions both of the day and the night, in order to know at what hour to order the reveillé, or the march out; for the end cannot be attained unless the beginning be rightly taken.”

“For it is by this knowledge alone that he can compute the distance that can be done whether by sea or land. Again, he must necessarily understand the subdivisions both of the day and the night, in order to know at what hour to order the reveillé, or the march out; for the end cannot be attained unless the beginning be rightly taken. As for the periods of the day, they may be observed by the shadows or by the sun’s course, and the quarter of the heaven in which it has arrived, but it is difficult to do the same for the night, unless a man is familiar with the phenomenon of the twelve signs of the Zodiac, and their law and order: and this is easy to those who have studied astronomy.” BOOK I > BOOK IX (10/30) · passage 459 · cos 0.60

“Enter upon this battle with the full conviction, that in it your country is not risking a certain number of legions, but her bare existence. For she has nothing to add to such an army as this, to give her victory, if the day now goes against us. All she has of confidence and strength rests on you; all her hopes of safety are in your hands.”

“Wherefore, men of the army, apart from any words of mine, place before your eyes the momentous difference to you between victory and defeat, and all their consequences. Enter upon this battle with the full conviction, that in it your country is not risking a certain number of legions, but her bare existence. For she has nothing to add to such an army as this, to give her victory, if the day now goes against us. All she has of confidence and strength rests on you; all her hopes of safety are in your hands.” BOOK I > BOOK III (77/82) · passage 238 · cos 0.59

“[Sidenote: Hasdrubal falls in the battle.] +2.+ Hasdrubal had behaved on this occasion, as throughout his whole life, like a brave man, and died fighting: and he deserves not to be passed over without remark. I have already stated that Hannibal was his brother, and on his departure to Italy entrusted the command in Iberia to him.”

Polybius — The Histories of Polybius, Vol. 2 (of 2) · 2nd century BCE (composition of the Histories); this volume contains Books X–XXXIX · Megalopolis, Achaea (Greece) · primary [28]

“Six of the elephants were killed with the men on them, four forced their way through the lines and were afterwards captured, having been abandoned by their Indian drivers. [Sidenote: Hasdrubal falls in the battle.] +2.+ Hasdrubal had behaved on this occasion, as throughout his whole life, like a brave man, and died fighting: and he deserves not to be passed over without remark. I have already stated that Hannibal was his brother, and on his departure to Italy entrusted the command in Iberia to him. I have also described his many contests with the Romans, and the many embarrassing difficulties with which he had to struggle, caused by the generals sent from Carthage to Iberia; and how in all these matters he had supported these vicissitudes and reverses in a noble spirit worthy of a son of Barcas.” Chapter 59 in Book VI.: > BOOK XI (2/21) · passage 37 · cos 0.57

Polybius — The Histories of Polybius, Vol. 2 (of 2) · 2nd century BCE (composition of the Histories); this volume contains Books X–XXXIX · Megalopolis, Achaea (Greece) · primary [34]

“[Sidenote: Scipio’s order of battle.] Scipio placed his men on the field in the following order: the *hastati* first, with an interval between their maniples; behind them the *principes*, their maniples not arranged to cover the intervals between those of the *hastati* as the Roman custom is, but immediately behind them at some distance, because the enemy was so strong in elephants. In the rear of these he stationed the *triarii*. On his left wing he stationed Gaius Laelius with the Italian cavalry, on the right Massanissa with all his Numidians.” Chapter 59 in Book VI.: > BOOK XV (7/25) · passage 103 · cos 0.58

“When they have been tested, and the rate of the discharge of water has been found to be exactly equal in both, then the vessels should be taken respectively to the two places from which the two parties intend to watch for fire signals.”

Polybius — The Histories of Polybius, Vol. 2 (of 2) · 2nd century BCE (composition of the Histories); this volume contains Books X–XXXIX · Megalopolis, Achaea (Greece) · primary [36]

“This being done, it is evident that if there is perfect equality in every respect between them, both corks will sink exactly in proportion as the water runs away, and both rods will disappear to the same extent into the vessels. When they have been tested, and the rate of the discharge of water has been found to be exactly equal in both, then the vessels should be taken respectively to the two places from which the two parties intend to watch for fire signals. As soon as any one of those eventualities which are inscribed upon the rods takes place, raise a lighted torch, and wait until the signal is answered by a torch from the others: this being raised, both parties are to set the taps running together.” Chapter 59 in Book VI.: > BOOK X (30/35) · passage 30 · cos 0.57

“LII (55) And then they took up some sort of order, as though by mutual consent, and fought the battle in regular formation. LIII (56) That which causes the most pain at the time involves also the most signal revulsion of joy. LIV (57)”

Polybius — The Histories of Polybius, Vol. 2 (of 2) · 2nd century BCE (composition of the Histories); this volume contains Books X–XXXIX · Megalopolis, Achaea (Greece) · primary [40]

“LII (54) Having drawn his army from the pass he encamped. LII (55) And then they took up some sort of order, as though by mutual consent, and fought the battle in regular formation. LIII (56) That which causes the most pain at the time involves also the most signal revulsion of joy. LIV (57)” Chapter 59 in Book VI.: > BOOK XXXIX (13/76) · passage 376 · cos 0.57

“Now omens as to the future are observed by me in what I may call a twofold method: the one I deduce from Caesar himself, the other from the nature and complexion of the political situation. Caesar's characteristics are these: a disposition naturally placable and clement--as delineated in your brilliant book of "Grievances"--and a great liking also for superior talent, such as your own.”

Marcus Tullius Cicero — Letters of Marcus Tullius Cicero · c. 68–43 BCE (composition of individual letters within the collection) · Rome (Roma), Italy · primary [56]

“I have other signs to note; and if they are not more infallible than those, yet after all they are less obscure or misleading. Now omens as to the future are observed by me in what I may call a twofold method: the one I deduce from Caesar himself, the other from the nature and complexion of the political situation. Caesar's characteristics are these: a disposition naturally placable and clement--as delineated in your brilliant book of "Grievances"--and a great liking also for superior talent, such as your own. Besides this, he is relenting at the expressed wishes of a large number of your friends, which are well-grounded and inspired by affection. not hollow and self-seeking. Under this head the unanimous feeling of Etruria will have great influence on him.” (59/74) · passage 64 · cos 0.55

“succeeded, and the shape Of brazen sickle into scorn was turned: With iron to cleave the soil of earth they 'gan, And the contentions of uncertain war Were rendered equal.”

Titus Lucretius Carus — On the Nature of Things · c. 60–55 BCE (books composed over this period) · Rome · primary [88]

“succeeded, and the shape Of brazen sickle into scorn was turned: With iron to cleave the soil of earth they 'gan, And the contentions of uncertain war Were rendered equal. And, lo, man was wont Armed to mount upon the ribs of horse And guide him with the rein, and play about With right hand free, oft times before he tried Perils of war in yoked chariot; And yoked pairs abreast came earlier Than yokes of four, or scythed chariots Whereinto clomb the men-at-arms. And next The Punic folk did train the elephants-- Those curst Lucanian oxen, hideous, The serpent-handed, with turrets on their bulks-- To dure the wounds of war and panic-strike The mighty troops of Mars.” BOOK I > BOOK V (28/30) · passage 114 · cos 0.55

“In short, they said, "that it was better bravely to try the hazard of war in a battle, than to be deserted and surrounded by their own troops, and forced to submit to the greatest cruelties." There were some who gave their opinion, that they ought to withdraw at the third watch to the Cornelian camp; that by a longer interval of time the soldiers might be brought to a proper way of thinking; and also, that if any misfortune should befall them, they might have a safer and readier retreat to Sicil”

Julius Caesar — "De Bello Gallico" and Other Commentaries · Commentaries composed during Caesar's Gallic campaigns (and later civil conflict), 58–52 BCE, with additional commentarial material through 49 BCE. · Gallia Comata (central Gaul, Roman campaign base territories) · primary [13]

“There were some opinions, which advised by all means an attempt to be made, and an attack on Varus's camp; for when such sentiments prevailed among the soldiers, they thought idleness was improper. In short, they said, "that it was better bravely to try the hazard of war in a battle, than to be deserted and surrounded by their own troops, and forced to submit to the greatest cruelties." There were some who gave their opinion, that they ought to withdraw at the third watch to the Cornelian camp; that by a longer interval of time the soldiers might be brought to a proper way of thinking; and also, that if any misfortune should befall them, they might have a safer and readier retreat to Sicily, from the great number of their ships.” C.W. Bateman, 1882. Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War, translated by T. Rice Holmes, London, 1908 (see also Holmes' Caesar's Conquest of > BOOK II (14/20) · passage 225 · cos 0.61

“XXXII.--But the enemy, after they had made the discovery of their intended departure by the noise during the night and their not retiring to rest, having placed an ambuscade in two divisions in the woods, in a suitable and concealed place, two miles from the camp, waited for the arrival of the Romans; and when the greater part of the line of march had descended into a considerable valley, they suddenly presented themselves on either side of that valley, and began both to harass the rear and hind”

“At break of day they quit the camp, in a very extended line and with a very large amount of baggage, in such a manner as men who were convinced that the advice was given by Ambiorix, not as an enemy, but as most friendly [towards them]. XXXII.--But the enemy, after they had made the discovery of their intended departure by the noise during the night and their not retiring to rest, having placed an ambuscade in two divisions in the woods, in a suitable and concealed place, two miles from the camp, waited for the arrival of the Romans; and when the greater part of the line of march had descended into a considerable valley, they suddenly presented themselves on either side of that valley, and began both to harass the rear and hinder the van from ascending, and to give battle in a place exceedingly disadvantageous to our men.” C.W. Bateman, 1882. Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War, translated by T. Rice Holmes, London, 1908 (see also Holmes' Caesar's Conquest of > BOOK V (13/24) · passage 91 · cos 0.60

“who perished at Genabum by the perfidy of the Gauls." They entrusted the same declarations to the centurions and military tribunes, that through them they might be communicated to Caesar.”

“who perished at Genabum by the perfidy of the Gauls." They entrusted the same declarations to the centurions and military tribunes, that through them they might be communicated to Caesar. XVIII.--When the towers had now approached the walls, Caesar ascertained from the captives that Vercingetorix, after destroying the forage, had pitched his camp nearer Avaricum, and that he himself with the cavalry and light-armed infantry, who generally fought among the horse, had gone to lay an ambuscade in that quarter to which he thought that our troops would come the next day to forage. On learning these facts, he set out from the camp secretly at midnight, and reached the camp of the enemy early in the morning.” C.W. Bateman, 1882. Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War, translated by T. Rice Holmes, London, 1908 (see also Holmes' Caesar's Conquest of > BOOK VII (8/38) · passage 128 · cos 0.60

Strabo — The Geography of Strabo, Volume 3 (of 3) · late 1st century BCE to early 1st century CE (composition of Strabo’s Geography; Volume 3 corresponds to books ca. VII–XVII) · Amasia (Amasya), Pontus · primary [111]

“for the god, they say, requires the soul of the victim, and nothing more. Nevertheless, according to some writers, they lay a small piece of the caul upon the fire. 14. But it is to fire and water especially that they offer sacrifice. They throw upon the fire dry wood without the bark, and place fat over it; they then pour oil upon it, and light it below; they do not blow the flame with their breath, but fan it; those who have blown the flame with their breath, or thrown any dead thing or dirt upon the fire, are put to death. They sacrifice to water by going to a lake, river, or fountain; having dug a pit, they slaughter the victim over it, taking care that none of the pure water near be sprinkled with blood, and thus be polluted.” BOOK XIV. > CHAPTER III. (5/7) · passage 96 · cos 0.53

“Therefore a second time Philippi saw The Roman hosts with kindred weapons rush To battle, nor did the high gods deem it hard That twice Emathia and the wide champaign Of Haemus should be fattening with our blood.”

Virgil — The Georgics · Composed in the late Roman Republic/early Principate, chiefly 37–29 BCE · Italy (likely near Mantua, and/or Rome for composition within Augustus’ circle) · primary [5]

“Never more than then From skies all cloudless fell the thunderbolts, Nor blazed so oft the comet's fire of bale. Therefore a second time Philippi saw The Roman hosts with kindred weapons rush To battle, nor did the high gods deem it hard That twice Emathia and the wide champaign Of Haemus should be fattening with our blood. Ay, and the time will come when there anigh, Heaving the earth up with his curved plough, Some swain will light on javelins by foul rust Corroded, or with ponderous harrow strike On empty helmets, while he gapes to see Bones as of giants from the trench untombed. Gods of my country, heroes of the soil, And Romulus, and Mother Vesta, thou Who Tuscan Tiber and Rome's Palatine Preservest, this new champion at the least Our fallen generation to repair Forbid not. To the full and long ago Our blood thy Trojan perjuries hath paid, Laomedon.” (2/8) · passage 9 · cos 0.58

Titus Livius (Livy) — Roman History, Books I-III · c. 30–17 CE; composed over more than forty years (extant Books I–III are within this span) · Rome (tradition/compilation in Augustus’ orbit) · primary [32]

“variously called the Roman and Great games. By the same king also spaces round the forum were assigned to private individuals for building on; covered walks and shops were erected. He was also preparing to surround the city with a stone wall, when a war with the Sabines interrupted his plans. The whole thing was so sudden, that the enemy passed the Anio before the Roman army could meet and prevent them: great alarm therefore was felt at Rome. At first they fought with doubtful success, and with great slaughter on both sides.” BOOK I > BOOK I[1] (37/63) · passage 46 · cos 0.58

“If you have now sufficient courage, and it is your wish that the matter be decided, come, raise here a shout such as you will raise in the field of battle, in token both of your wishes and your valour." Whenthe shout was raised with great alacrity, he assured them that he would comply with their wishes--and so might Heaven prosper it--and lead them next day into the field.”

“If it is to be prolonged, I shall take care, by employing the same method of warfare with which I have begun, that your hopes and your valour may increase every day. If you have now sufficient courage, and it is your wish that the matter be decided, come, raise here a shout such as you will raise in the field of battle, in token both of your wishes and your valour." Whenthe shout was raised with great alacrity, he assured them that he would comply with their wishes--and so might Heaven prosper it--and lead them next day into the field. The remainder of the day was spent in getting ready their arms. On the following day, as soon as the Sabines saw the Roman army being drawn up in order of battle, they too, having long since been eager for the encounter, advanced.” BOOK I > BOOK III (62/73) · passage 200 · cos 0.58

“and was likely to prove still more arbitrary by the exercise of that same authority. During that night, however, nothing was done except that guards were posted in the city.”

“and was likely to prove still more arbitrary by the exercise of that same authority. During that night, however, nothing was done except that guards were posted in the city. On the next day the dictator, having entered the forum before daylight, appointed as his master of the horse Lucius Tarquitius, a man of patrician family, but who, though he had served his campaigns on foot by reason of his scanty means, was yet considered by far the most capable in military matters among the Roman youth. With his master of the horse he entered the assembly, proclaimed a suspension of public business, ordered the shops to be closed throughout the city, and forbade any one to attend to any private affairs.” BOOK I > BOOK III (28/73) · passage 166 · cos 0.58

“The clowns, return’d, from battle bear the slain, Implore the gods, and to their king complain. The corps of Almon and the rest are shown; Shrieks, clamours, murmurs, fill the frighted town.”

Virgil — The Aeneid · c. 29–19 BCE · Mantua (region) · primary [15]

“Saturnian Juno now, with double care, Attends the fatal process of the war. The clowns, return’d, from battle bear the slain, Implore the gods, and to their king complain. The corps of Almon and the rest are shown; Shrieks, clamours, murmurs, fill the frighted town. Ambitious Turnus in the press appears, And, aggravating crimes, augments their fears; Proclaims his private injuries aloud, A solemn promise made, and disavow’d; A foreign son is sought, and a mix’d mungril brood. Then they, whose mothers, frantic with their fear, In woods and wilds the flags of Bacchus bear, And lead his dances with dishevel’d hair, Increase the clamour, and the war demand, (Such was Amata’s int’rest in the land,) Against the public sanctions of the peace, Against all omens of their ill success.” BOOK I > BOOK VII (13/13) · passage 109 · cos 0.59

“The clowns, return’d, from battle bear the slain, Implore the gods, and to their king complain. The corps of Almon and the rest are shown; Shrieks, clamours, murmurs, fill the frighted town.”

Virgil — The Aeneid · c. 29–19 BCE · Mantua (region) · primary [15]

Virgil — The Aeneid · c. 29–19 BCE · Mantua (region) · primary [39]

“in fleetness match’d their flight. Officious grooms stand ready by his side; And some with combs their flowing manes divide, And others stroke their chests and gently soothe their pride. He sheath’d his limbs in arms; a temper’d mass Of golden metal those, and mountain brass. Then to his head his glitt’ring helm he tied, And girt his faithful falchion to his side. In his Aetnaean forge, the God of Fire That falchion labour’d for the hero’s sire; Immortal keenness on the blade bestow’d, And plung’d it hissing in the Stygian flood.” BOOK I > BOOK XII (3/20) · passage 188 · cos 0.59

“with like officious care He marks their foreheads, and he clips their hair. Betwixt their horns the purple wine he sheds; With the same gen’rous juice the flame he feeds.”

Virgil — The Aeneid · c. 29–19 BCE · Mantua (region) · primary [48]

“with like officious care He marks their foreheads, and he clips their hair. Betwixt their horns the purple wine he sheds; With the same gen’rous juice the flame he feeds.” BOOK I > BOOK XII (5/20) · passage 190 · cos 0.58

Horace (trans. John Conington) — The Odes and Carmen Saeculare of Horace · c. 23 BCE · Rome · primary [99]

“CAELO TONANTEM. Jove rules in heaven, his thunder shows; Henceforth Augustus earth shall own Her present god, now Briton foes And Persians bow before his throne. Has Crassus' soldier ta'en to wife A base barbarian, and grown grey (Woe, for a nation's tainted life!) Earning his foemen-kinsmen's pay, His king, forsooth, a Mede, his sire A Marsian? can he name forget, Gown, sacred shield, undying fire, And Jove and Rome are standing yet? 'Twas this that Regulus foresaw, What time he spurn'd the foul disgrace Of peace, whose precedent would draw Destruction on an unborn race, Should aught but death the prisoner's chain Unrivet.” BOOK I. > BOOK III. (4/11) · passage 31 · cos 0.54

Ovid — The Metamorphoses of Ovid, Books I-VII · c. 1st century CE (composed in stages across the principate of Augustus; Books I–VII within the broader work) · Rome (Latium and Campania region historically associated with Roman literary production) · primary [57]

“prayer of his son Æacus, transforms the ants that are in the hollow of an old oak into men; these, from the Greek name of those insects, are called Myrmidons. “Stupefied by so great an outburst of misery, I said, ‘O Jupiter! if stories do not falsely say that thou didst come into the embraces of Ægina, the daughter of Asopus, and thou art not ashamed, great Father, to be the parent of myself; either restore my people to me, or else bury me, as well, in the sepulchre.’ He gave a signal by lightnings, and by propitious thunders. I accepted {the omen}, and I said, ‘I pray that these may be happy signs of thy intentions: the omen which thou givest me, I accept as a pledge.’ By chance there was close by, an oak sacred to Jupiter, of seed from Dodona,[105] but thinly covered with wide-spreading boughs.” Book “on the plan recommended by Mr. Locke,” was published in 1839, which had been already preceded by “a selection from the Metamorphoses of Ovid, adapted to the Hamiltonian system, by a literal and interlineal translation,” published by James Hamilton, the author of the Hamiltonian system. This work contains selections only from the first six books, and consequently embraces but a very small portion of the entire work. > BOOK THE SEVENTH. (27/36) · passage 219 · cos 0.58

“will attend thee to the war, as soon as the East wind, which brought thee prosperously hither (for the East wind had brought him), shall have changed to the South.” [Footnote 105: *From Dodona.*--Ver. 623. Dodona was a town of Chaonia, in Epirus, so called from Dodone, the daughter of Jupiter and Europa. Near it was a temple and a wood sacred to Jupiter, which was famous for the number and magnitude of its oaks. Doves were said to give oracular responses there, probably from the circumstance that the female soothsayers of Thessaly were called πελειαδαι. Some writers, however, say that the oaks had the gift of speech, combined with that of prophesying.] [Footnote 106: *Myrmidons.*--Ver. 654. From the Greek word μύρμηξ, ‘an ant;’ according to this version of the story.] EXPLANATION.” Book “on the plan recommended by Mr. Locke,” was published in 1839, which had been already preceded by “a selection from the Metamorphoses of Ovid, adapted to the Hamiltonian system, by a literal and interlineal translation,” published by James Hamilton, the author of the Hamiltonian system. This work contains selections only from the first six books, and consequently embraces but a very small portion of the entire work. > BOOK THE SEVENTH. (28/36) · passage 220 · cos 0.54

“Caesar, collecting his soldiers together, told them that Corfinius was coming up to them with two legions, and that fifteen cohorts more under Calenus were posted at Megara and Athens; he then asked them whether they would stay till these joined them, or would hazard the battle by themselves.”

Plutarch — Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans · c. 100 CE (composed over time) · Chaeronea (birthplace/Greek mainland background) · primary [2]

“Nor were the numbers of the infantry less disproportionate, there being forty-five thousand of Pompey's, against twenty-two thousand of the enemy. Caesar, collecting his soldiers together, told them that Corfinius was coming up to them with two legions, and that fifteen cohorts more under Calenus were posted at Megara and Athens; he then asked them whether they would stay till these joined them, or would hazard the battle by themselves. They all cried out to him not to wait, but on the contrary to do whatever he could to bring about an engagement as soon as possible. When he sacrificed to the gods for the lustration of his army, upon the death of the first victim, the augur told him, within three days he should come to a decisive action. Caesar asked him whether he saw anything in the entrails, which promised a happy event.” (1012/1424) · passage 1011 · cos 0.69

Procopius of Caesarea — History of the Wars, Books I and II: The Persian War · c. 545–555 CE (composition of History of the Wars, Books I–II, covering the Persian war material) · Constantinople · primary [64]

“(for it was fated that evil should befall him) bade them lead the way to the hippodrome. But some say that he came there purposely, being well-disposed toward the emperor. Now the emperor and his court were deliberating as to whether it would be better for them if they remained or if they took to flight in the ships. And many opinions were expressed favouring either course. And the Empress Theodora also spoke to the following effect: "As to the belief that a woman ought not to be daring among men or to assert herself boldly among those who are holding back from fear, I consider that the present crisis most certainly does not permit us to discuss whether the matter should be regarded in this or in some other way. For in the case of those whose interests have come into the greatest danger nothing else seems best except to settle the issue immediately before them in the best possible way.” BOOK I.--THE PERSIAN WAR 1 > BOOK I (70/70) · passage 74 · cos 0.55

“And Belisarius, in astonishment at their shamelessness, changed his exhortation and now seemed to be urging them on against the enemy and drawing them up for battle, saying that he had not known before their eagerness to fight, but that now he was of good courage and would go against the enemy with a better hope.”

“But the army began to insult him, not in silence nor with any concealment, but they came shouting into his presence, and called him weak and a destroyer of their zeal; and even some of the officers joined with the soldiers in this offence, thus displaying the extent of their daring. And Belisarius, in astonishment at their shamelessness, changed his exhortation and now seemed to be urging them on against the enemy and drawing them up for battle, saying that he had not known before their eagerness to fight, but that now he was of good courage and would go against the enemy with a better hope. He then formed the phalanx with a single front, disposing his men as follows: on the left wing by the river he stationed all the infantry, while on the right where the ground rose sharply he placed Arethas and all his Saracens; he himself with the cavalry took his position in the centre.” BOOK I.--THE PERSIAN WAR 1 > BOOK I (51/70) · passage 55 · cos 0.55

“Then, when the man who has gathered such a company together comes to die, it is the custom that all these men be borne alive into the tomb with him. Perozes, marching against these Ephthalitae, was accompanied by an ambassador, Eusebius by name, who, as it happened, had been sent to his court by the Emperor Zeno. Now the Ephthalitae made it appear to their enemy that they had turned to flight because they were wholly terrified by their attack, and they retired with all speed to a place which was shut in on every side by precipitous mountains, and abundantly screened by a close forest of wide-spreading trees. Now as one advanced between the mountains to a great distance, a broad way appeared in the valley, extending apparently to an indefinite distance, but at the end it had no outlet at all, but terminated in the very midst of the circle of mountains.” BOOK I.--THE PERSIAN WAR 1 > BOOK I (5/70) · passage 9 · cos 0.54

“But I think it not untimely to remind you of this one thing, that, if you on the present occasion but prove equal to your own selves in valour, straightway there will be an end for the Vandals of their hopes, and for you of the battle. Hence there is every reason why you should enter into this engagement with the greatest eagerness. For ever sweet to men is toil coming to an end and reaching its close.”

Procopius of Caesarea — History of the Wars, Books III and IV: The Vandalic War · c. 550s CE (composition of History of the Wars) · Caesarea Maritima (Roman/Byzantine Syria Palaestina) · primary [11]

“For the spirits of those who have conquered are by no means wont to be overcome. But I think it not untimely to remind you of this one thing, that, if you on the present occasion but prove equal to your own selves in valour, straightway there will be an end for the Vandals of their hopes, and for you of the battle. Hence there is every reason why you should enter into this engagement with the greatest eagerness. For ever sweet to men is toil coming to an end and reaching its close. Now as for the host of the Vandals, let no one of you consider them. For not by numbers of men nor by measure of body, but by valour of soul, is war wont to be decided. And let the strongest motive which actuates men come to your minds, namely, pride in past achievement.” BOOK III.--THE VANDALIC WAR 1 > BOOK IV (2/67) · passage 58 · cos 0.61

“point has been captured, they collapse after no long time. It behoves us, therefore, to bear in mind all these things and to choose the best course." So spoke Archelaus. And Belisarius spoke as follows: "Let no one of you, fellow-officers, think that my words are those of censure, nor that they are spoken in the last place to the end that it may become necessary for all to follow them, of whatever sort they may be. For I have heard what seems best to each one of you, and it is becoming that I too should lay before you what I think, and then with you should choose the better course. But it is right to remind you of this fact, that the soldiers said openly a little earlier that they feared the dangers by sea and would turn to flight if a hostile ship should attack them, and we prayed God to shew us the land of Libya and allow us a peaceful disembarkation upon it.” BOOK III.--THE VANDALIC WAR 1 (35/55) · passage 35 · cos 0.59

“strength and does not allow them to make full use of their present opportunities.”

“strength and does not allow them to make full use of their present opportunities. Considering, then, all these things, it behooves you to go with great contempt against the enemy." II After such words of exhortation, Belisarius sent out all the horsemen on the same day, except five hundred, and also the guardsmen and the standard, which the Romans call "bandum,"[1] entrusting them to John the Armenian, and directing him to skirmish only, if opportunity should arise. And he himself on the following day followed with the infantry forces and the five hundred horsemen.” BOOK III.--THE VANDALIC WAR 1 > BOOK IV (3/67) · passage 59 · cos 0.59

“down again on that side to which she inclines. Therefore, for you both the chance of safety and of having an abundance of good things lies in your own hands." When Belisarius had said this, the whole assembly agreed and adopted his proposal, and separating from one another, they made the disembarkation as quickly as possible, about three months later than their departure from Byzantium. And indicating a certain spot on the shore the general bade both soldiers and sailors dig the trench and place the stockade about it. And they did as directed. And since a great throng was working and fear was stimulating their enthusiasm and the general was urging them on, not only was the trench dug on the same day, but the stockade was also completed and the pointed stakes were fixed in place all around. Then, indeed, while they were digging the trench, something happened which was altogether amazing.” BOOK III.--THE VANDALIC WAR 1 (36/55) · passage 36 · cos 0.57

“The king ordered the tables to be removed, and then he went out to look at the ships; and when it could be clearly seen that these were ships of war, the king asked his men what resolution they should take--whether to give battle with the men they had, or go on board ship and sail away northwards along the land.”

Snorri Sturluson — Heimskringla; Or, The Chronicle of the Kings of Norway · c. 1225 · Iceland (writing/editing in the North Atlantic cultural sphere) · primary [52]

“gird your armour to your breast: Thy honour's dearer than my life; Therefore I say, up to the strife!" Then said the king, "Thou art too brave a fellow, Eyvind, to bring us any false alarm of war." The others all said it was a true report. The king ordered the tables to be removed, and then he went out to look at the ships; and when it could be clearly seen that these were ships of war, the king asked his men what resolution they should take--whether to give battle with the men they had, or go on board ship and sail away northwards along the land.” part of the saga (chaps. 21-46) treats of the disputes (40/78) · passage 47 · cos 0.56

“Then Sigurd of Reyr made the following speech: "Now there is hope that the time is come which has been promised us all the summer, that we shall meet King Inge in battle. We have long prepared ourselves for this; and many of our comrades have boasted that they would never fly from or submit to King Inge and Gregorius, and now let them remember their words.”

Snorri Sturluson — Heimskringla; Or, The Chronicle of the Kings of Norway · c. 1225 · Iceland (writing/editing in the North Atlantic cultural sphere) · primary [53]

“SIGURD OF REYR'S SPEECH. Then Sigurd of Reyr made the following speech: "Now there is hope that the time is come which has been promised us all the summer, that we shall meet King Inge in battle. We have long prepared ourselves for this; and many of our comrades have boasted that they would never fly from or submit to King Inge and Gregorius, and now let them remember their words. But we who have sometimes got the toothache in our conflicts with them, speak less confidently; for it has happened, as all have heard, that we very often have come off without glory. But, nevertheless, it is now necessary to fight manfully, and stand to it with steadiness; for the only escape for us is in victory. Although we have somewhat fewer men than they, yet luck determines which side shall have the advantage, and God knows that the right is on our side.” part of the saga (chaps. 21-46) treats of the disputes > Part of it fell into the sea,-- (426/463) · passage 515 · cos 0.56

“King Olaf got certain intelligence now that it would be but a short time until he had a battle with the bondes; and after he had mustered his men, and reckoned up the force, he had more than 3000 men, which appears to be a great army in one field. Then the king made the following speech to the people: "We have a great army, and excellent troops; and now I will tell you, my men, how I will have our force drawn up.”

Snorri Sturluson — Heimskringla; Or, The Chronicle of the Kings of Norway · c. 1225 · Iceland (writing/editing in the North Atlantic cultural sphere) · primary [70]

“KING OLAF'S SPEECH. King Olaf got certain intelligence now that it would be but a short time until he had a battle with the bondes; and after he had mustered his men, and reckoned up the force, he had more than 3000 men, which appears to be a great army in one field. Then the king made the following speech to the people: "We have a great army, and excellent troops; and now I will tell you, my men, how I will have our force drawn up. I will let my banner go forward in the middle of the army, and my-court-men, and pursuivants shall follow it, together with the war forces that joined us from the Uplands, and also those who may come to us here in the Throndhjem land. On the right hand of my banner shall be Dag Hringson, with all the men he brought to our aid; and he shall have the second banner.” part of the saga (chaps. 21-46) treats of the disputes > Part of it fell into the sea,-- (228/463) · passage 317 · cos 0.54

“Now we have often seen, and proved, how unsuitable and improper it is to go into battle in the nighttime; therefore let us rather have before our eyes the example of chiefs better known to us, and who deserve better to be imitated, and fight by open day in regular battle array, and not steal upon sleeping men in the night. We have people enough against them, so few as they are.”

Snorri Sturluson — Heimskringla; Or, The Chronicle of the Kings of Norway · c. 1225 · Iceland (writing/editing in the North Atlantic cultural sphere) · primary [71]

“This band has had its luck hitherto by following the counsel of men acquainted with witchcraft and fighting by night, and not in the light of day; and by this proceeding have they been victorious hitherto over the chiefs whose heads they have laid low on the earth. Now we have often seen, and proved, how unsuitable and improper it is to go into battle in the nighttime; therefore let us rather have before our eyes the example of chiefs better known to us, and who deserve better to be imitated, and fight by open day in regular battle array, and not steal upon sleeping men in the night. We have people enough against them, so few as they are. Let us, therefore, wait for day and daylight, and keep together in our array in case they attack us." Thereafter the whole army sat down.” part of the saga (chaps. 21-46) treats of the disputes > Part of it fell into the sea,-- (447/463) · passage 536 · cos 0.54

Thomas, Aquinas, Saint — Summa Theologica, Part II-II (Secunda Secundae) · c. 1271–1273 (Part II-II written within this period) · Rome (curia / scholarly activity connected to papal court and Dominican networks) · primary [42]

“taken for an omen are not subject to the disposition of the stars, yet are they ordered according to divine providence and sometimes according to the action of the demons. Accordingly we must say that all such like divinations are superstitious and unlawful, if they be extended beyond the limits set according to the order of nature or of divine providence. Reply Obj. 1: According to Augustine [*QQ. in Genes., qu. cxlv], when Joseph said that there was no one like him in the science of divining, he spoke in joke and not seriously, referring perhaps to the common opinion about him: in this sense also spoke his steward. Reply Obj. 2: The passage quoted refers to the knowledge that birds have about things concerning them; and in order to know these things it is not unlawful to observe their cries and movements: thus from the frequent cawing of crows one might say that it will rain soon.” PART II-II ("Secunda Secundae") > i.e. without previous judgment [*Vulg.: 'Observe these things without prejudice, doing nothing by declining to either side.']. Therefore these three should not be associated with an oath any more than with other human actions. (39/163) · passage 642 · cos 0.55

“OF THE ORDER OF THE FRENCHMEN BEFORE THE BATTLE OF POITIERS On the Sunday in the morning the French king, who had great desire to fight with the Englishmen, heard his mass in his pavilion and was houselled, and his four sons with him.”

Jean Froissart — Chronicle and Romance: Froissart, Malory, Holinshed · c. 1369–early 15th c.; revised and enlarged to the end of his life · Valenciennes · primary [75]

“There mayst thou see devising* of harness *decoration So uncouth* and so rich, and wrought so weel *unkown, rare Of goldsmithry, of brouding*, and of steel; *embroidery The shieldes bright, the testers*, and trappures** *helmets<73> Gold-hewen helmets, hauberks, coat-armures; **trappings Lordes in parements* on their coursers, *ornamental garb <74>; Knightes of retinue, and eke squiers, Nailing the spears, and ”

Geoffrey Chaucer — The Canterbury Tales, and Other Poems · c. 1387–1400 (composition of The Canterbury Tales and included poems; some items likely earlier/later) · London · primary [49]

“And on the morrow, when the day gan spring, Of horse and harness* noise and clattering *armour There was in the hostelries all about: And to the palace rode there many a rout* *train, retinue Of lordes, upon steedes and palfreys.” (64/88) · passage 63 · cos 0.55

“Sit subitum, quodcumque paras; sit coeca futuri Mens hominum fati, liceat sperare timenti." ["Why, ruler of Olympus, hast thou to anxious mortals thought fit to add this care, that they should know by, omens future slaughter?... Let whatever thou art preparing be sudden. Let the mind of men be blind to fate in store; let it be permitted to the timid to hope." --Lucan, ii.”

Michel de Montaigne — Essays of Michel de Montaigne — Volume 02 · c. 1580–1588 (for the bulk of the Essays; this volume’s contents belong to the later, expanded Book I as printed in Montaigne’s lifetime) · Château de Montaigne, Saint-Michel-de-Montaigne (Périgord), France · primary [72]

“And although there yet remain amongst us some practices of divination from the stars, from spirits, from the shapes and complexions of men, from dreams and the like (a notable example of the wild curiosity of our nature to grasp at and anticipate future things, as if we had not enough to do to digest the present)-- "Cur hanc tibi, rector Olympi, Sollicitis visum mortalibus addere curam, Noscant venturas ut dira per omina clades?... Sit subitum, quodcumque paras; sit coeca futuri Mens hominum fati, liceat sperare timenti." ["Why, ruler of Olympus, hast thou to anxious mortals thought fit to add this care, that they should know by, omens future slaughter?... Let whatever thou art preparing be sudden. Let the mind of men be blind to fate in store; let it be permitted to the timid to hope." --Lucan, ii.” BOOK THE FIRST > CHAPTER XI (1/4) · passage 26 · cos 0.54

“of birds, and who rather consult the livers of animals other than their own, I had rather hear them than attend to them." --Cicero, De Divin., i. 57, ex Pacuvio] The so celebrated art of divination amongst the Tuscans took its beginning thus: A labourer striking deep with his cutter into the earth, saw the demigod Tages ascend, with an infantine aspect, but endued with a mature and senile wisdom. Upon the rumour of which, all the people ran to see the sight, by whom his words and science, containing the principles and means to attain to this art, were recorded, and kept for many ages.--[Cicero, De Devina, ii. 23]--A birth suitable to its progress; I, for my part, should sooner regulate my affairs by the chance of a die than by such idle and vain dreams. And, indeed, in all republics, a good share of the government has ever been referred to chance.” BOOK THE FIRST > CHAPTER XI (3/4) · passage 28 · cos 0.54

“And to the Worship, which naturally men conceived fit to bee used towards their Gods, namely Oblations, Prayers, Thanks, and the rest formerly named; the same Legislators of the Gentiles have added their Images, both in Picture, and Sculpture; that the more ignorant sort, (that is to say, the most part, or generality of the people,) thinking the Gods for whose representation they were made, were really included, and as it were housed within them, might so much the more stand in feare of them: An”

Thomas Hobbes — Leviathan · 1651 · Paris · primary [63]

“Mercury; of Tempests and stormes, to Aeolus; and of other effects, to other Gods: insomuch as there was amongst the Heathen almost as great variety of Gods, as of businesse.” PART I. > CHAPTER XII. OF RELIGION (5/9) · passage 56 · cos 0.55

A visible bird omen is taken immediately as meaningful before/at battle and boosts morale. · 1 sources

The Homeric lines explicitly connect an omen event to collective reaction—“the host… shouted” and “took heart”—showing that the sign was treated as serious and actionable for the fighters.

“and all the gods in your flight, that your steeds may be swifter than hawks as they raise the dust on the plain and bear you back to your city.” As he was thus speaking a bird flew by upon his right hand, and the host of the Achaeans shouted, for they took heart at the omen.”

Homer — The Iliad · ancient · Ionia (Hellenic Greek world), likely Chios or Smyrna region · primary [46]

Personal prayer seeking signs from Zeus is answered with a concrete celestial event treated as good omen. · 1 sources

The Odyssey passage links a request for a “word of good omen” to an explicit divine response (thunder) and a clear emotional outcome (Odysseus “was glad”), framing the event as an omen.

Homer — The Odyssey of Homer · Composed in antiquity (date uncertain; likely 8th century BCE) · Ithaca, Greece · primary [103]

“some one I pray of the folk that are waking show me a word of good omen within, and without let some sign also be revealed to me from Zeus.” So he spake in prayer, and Zeus, the counsellor, heard him. Straightway he thundered from shining Olympus, from on high from the place of clouds; and goodly Odysseus was glad. Moreover a woman, a grinder at the mill, uttered a voice of omen from within the house hard by, where stood the mills of the shepherd of the people. At these handmills twelve women in all plied their task, making meal of barley and of wheat, the marrow of men. Now all the others were asleep, for they had ground out their task of grain, but one alone rested not yet, being the weakest of all.” BOOK I. > BOOK XX. (3/8) · passage 213 · cos 0.54

Omens and lots are presented as entrenched practices tied to divination for decision-making. · 1 sources

Tacitus describes systematic divination “by omens and lots,” including a method that makes omens operational; this reads like a real cultural mechanism, even though no specific pre-battle omen episode is quoted.

“No people are more addicted to divination by omens and lots. The latter is performed in the following simple manner. They cut a twig [68] from a fruit-tree, and divide it into small pieces, which, distinguished by certain marks, are thrown promiscuously upon a white garment.”

Cornelius Tacitus — The Germany and the Agricola of Tacitus · c. 98 CE (Germany and Agricola; Agricola probably shortly after Domitian’s death, 96 CE) · Rome · primary [1]

“10. No people are more addicted to divination by omens and lots. The latter is performed in the following simple manner. They cut a twig [68] from a fruit-tree, and divide it into small pieces, which, distinguished by certain marks, are thrown promiscuously upon a white garment. Then, the priest of the canton, if the occasion be public; if private, the master of the family; after an invocation of the gods, with his eyes lifted up to heaven, thrice takes out each piece, and, as they come up, interprets their signification according to the marks fixed upon them. If the result prove unfavorable, there is no more consultation on the same affair that day; if propitious, a confirmation by omens is still required.” (6/88) · passage 5 · cos 0.64

Omens are treated as unreliable/optional for determining action, depending on the agent’s judgment. · 1 sources

Epictetus explicitly reframes omens as “fortunate” if one chooses that outcome and criticizes excessive regard to divination; it still presumes the category of omens is known and discussed.

“But to me all omens are fortunate if I choose to have it so. For whatever of these things may come to pass, it lies with me to have it serve me._ 2. You may be always victorious if you will never enter into any contest but where the victory depends upon yourself. 3.”

Epictetus (trans. T. W. Rolleston) — The Teaching of Epictetus · c. 108 CE · Nicopolis, Greece · primary [47]

“When a raven croaks you a bad omen, be not carried away by the appearance; but straightway distinguish with yourself and say, _None of these things bodes aught to myself, but either to this poor body or this wretched property of mine, or to my good repute, or to my children, or to my wife. But to me all omens are fortunate if I choose to have it so. For whatever of these things may come to pass, it lies with me to have it serve me._ 2. You may be always victorious if you will never enter into any contest but where the victory depends upon yourself. 3. When you shall see a man honored above others, or mighty in power, or otherwise esteemed, look to it that thou deem him not blessed, being carried away by the appearance.” CHAPTER I. > CHAPTER XXI. · passage 58 · cos 0.56

Religious acts (sacrifice/offerings) are relevant to war, but the excerpts do not describe specific omen interpretations before battle. · 1 sources

Caesar’s Gallic material discusses what kinds of oblations are acceptable to gods; it is religious preparation rather than a concrete omen sign being interpreted at the moment.

“They consider that the oblation of such as have been taken in theft, or in robbery, or any other offence, is more acceptable to the immortal gods; but when a supply of that class is wanting, they have recourse to the oblation of even the innocent.”

“Others have figures of vast size, the limbs of which formed of osiers they fill with living men, which being set on fire, the men perish enveloped in the flames. They consider that the oblation of such as have been taken in theft, or in robbery, or any other offence, is more acceptable to the immortal gods; but when a supply of that class is wanting, they have recourse to the oblation of even the innocent.” C.W. Bateman, 1882. Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War, translated by T. Rice Holmes, London, 1908 (see also Holmes' Caesar's Conquest of > BOOK VI (8/18) · passage 110 · cos 0.60

Warnings can come from “tokens” in nature, but the excerpt does not tie them to a specific battlefield omen decision. · 1 sources

Virgil mentions “certain tokens… heats, and showers, and winds” and “warnings,” which implies interpretive seriousness; however, the selection does not narrate a concrete omen episode before a battle.

“Aye, and that these things we might win to know By certain tokens, heats, and showers, and winds That bring the frost, the Sire of all himself Ordained what warnings in her monthly round The moon should give, what bodes the south wind's fall, What oft-repeated sights the herdsman seeing Should keep his cattle closer to their stalls. No sooner are the winds at point to rise, Than either Ocean's firths begin to toss And swell, and a dry crackling sound is heard Upon the heights, or one loud ferment booms The beach afar, and through the forest goes A murmur multitudinous. By this Scarce can the billow spare the curved keels, When swift the sea-gulls from the middle main Come winging, and their shrieks are shoreward borne, When ocean-loving cormorants on dry land Besport them, and the hern, her marshy haunts Forsaking, mounts above the soaring cloud.” (2/8) · passage 7 · cos 0.56

not directly relevant · 50 sources

Not grouped by the model.

“And so now with fixed purpose and deliberate counsel we will aid your power in dreadful strife and will fight against the Titans in hard battle.’ (ll.”

Hesiod and Homer (attrib.); tr. Hugh G. Evelyn-White — Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica · 8th-6th century BCE (composed); translation 1914 · Boeotia, Greece · primary [68]

“lord, son of Cronos. And so now with fixed purpose and deliberate counsel we will aid your power in dreadful strife and will fight against the Titans in hard battle.’ (ll. 664-686) So he said: and the gods, givers of good things, applauded when they heard his word, and their spirit longed for war even more than before, and they all, both male and female, stirred up hated battle that day, the Titan gods, and all that were born of Cronos together with those dread, mighty ones of overwhelming strength whom Zeus brought up to the light from Erebus beneath the earth. An hundred arms sprang from the shoulders of all alike, and each had fifty heads growing upon his shoulders upon stout limbs. These, then, stood against the Titans in grim strife, holding huge rocks in their strong hands.” (51/158) · passage 50 · cos 0.55

“For Ares shall not deliver you from the end of death, if we two meet together in battle. Another time ere this I declare he has made trial of my spear, when he defended sandy Pylos and stood against me, fiercely longing for fight. Thrice was he stricken by my spear and dashed to earth, and his shield was pierced; but the fourth time I struck his thigh, laying on with all my strength, and tare deep into his flesh.”

Hesiod and Homer (attrib.); tr. Hugh G. Evelyn-White — Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica · 8th-6th century BCE (composed); translation 1914 · Boeotia, Greece · primary [74]

“Fool! For Ares shall not deliver you from the end of death, if we two meet together in battle. Another time ere this I declare he has made trial of my spear, when he defended sandy Pylos and stood against me, fiercely longing for fight. Thrice was he stricken by my spear and dashed to earth, and his shield was pierced; but the fourth time I struck his thigh, laying on with all my strength, and tare deep into his flesh. And he fell headlong in the dust upon the ground through the force of my spear-thrust; then truly he would have been disgraced among the deathless gods, if by my hands he had left behind his bloody spoils.’” (75/158) · passage 74 · cos 0.54

“But these again were engaged in battle: and behind them the dusky Fates, gnashing their white fangs, lowering, grim, bloody, and unapproachable, struggled for those who were falling, for they all were longing to drink dark blood. So soon as they caught a man overthrown or falling newly wounded, one of them would clasp her great claws about him, and his soul would go down to Hades to chilly Tartarus.”

Hesiod and Homer (attrib.); tr. Hugh G. Evelyn-White — Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica · 8th-6th century BCE (composed); translation 1914 · Boeotia, Greece · primary [83]

“And the men who were elders and on whom age had laid hold were all together outside the gates, and were holding up their hands to the blessed gods, fearing for their own sons. But these again were engaged in battle: and behind them the dusky Fates, gnashing their white fangs, lowering, grim, bloody, and unapproachable, struggled for those who were falling, for they all were longing to drink dark blood. So soon as they caught a man overthrown or falling newly wounded, one of them would clasp her great claws about him, and his soul would go down to Hades to chilly Tartarus. And when they had satisfied their souls with human blood, they would cast that one behind them, and rush back again into the tumult and the fray. Clotho and Lachesis were over them and Atropos less tall than they, a goddess of no great frame, yet superior to the others and the eldest of them.” (74/158) · passage 73 · cos 0.54

Hesiod and Homer (attrib.); tr. Hugh G. Evelyn-White — Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica · 8th-6th century BCE (composed); translation 1914 · Boeotia, Greece · primary [97]

“hand. But, as you have shown your skill at other-times, so now also wheel the great black-maned horse Arion about every way, and help me as you may be able.’ (ll. 122-138) So he said, and put upon his legs greaves of shining bronze, the splendid gift of Hephaestus. Next he fastened about his breast a fine golden breast-plate, curiously wrought, which Pallas Athene the daughter of Zeus had given him when first he was about to set out upon his grievous labours. Over his shoulders the fierce warrior put the steel that saves men from doom, and across his breast he slung behind him a hollow quiver. Within it were many chilling arrows, dealers of death which makes speech forgotten: in front they had death, and trickled with tears; their shafts were smooth and very long; and their butts were covered with feathers of a brown eagle.” (72/158) · passage 71 · cos 0.54

Homer — The Odyssey · 8th–12th century BCE (composed earlier than c. 750 BCE; traditional authorship generally placed in the 8th century BCE) · Ancient Greece (Ionia; Homeric epic tradition) · primary [108]

“have to fight more than one. I am host, and the other chiefs, Antinous and Eurymachus, both of them men of understanding, are of the same mind as I am.” Every one assented, and Ulysses girded his old rags about his loins, thus baring his stalwart thighs, his broad chest and shoulders, and his mighty arms; but Minerva came up to him and made his limbs even stronger still. The suitors were beyond measure astonished, and one would turn towards his neighbour saying, “The stranger has brought such a thigh out of his old rags that there will soon be nothing left of Irus.” Irus began to be very uneasy as he heard them, but the servants girded him by force, and brought him [into the open part of the court] in such a fright that his limbs were all of a tremble.” BOOK I. > BOOK XVIII (2/7) · passage 165 · cos 0.53

“Now therefore, if ye do as we say, ye will be without blame from his part and without blame also from ours: stay the appointed days and then after that get you away." They then, when the Ionians had engaged themselves to do this, hastened back again by the quickest way: 134, and meanwhile, after the coming of the gifts to Dareios, the Scythians who were left had arrayed themselves against the Persians with both foot and horse, meaning to engage battle.”

Herodotus — The History of Herodotus — Volume 1 · c. 440–430 BCE (composition of Histories; Volume I corresponds to Book I, “Clio”) · Halicarnassus · primary [60]

“The Persians then, I say, were making conjecture of the gifts: and meanwhile the single division of the Scythians, that which had been appointed at first to keep guard along the Maiotian lake and then to go to the Ister and come to speech with the Ionians, when they arrived at the bridge spoke as follows: "Ionians, we have come bringing you freedom, if at least ye are willing to listen to us; for we are informed that Dareios gave you command to guard the bridge for sixty days only, and then, if he had not arrived within that time, to get you away to your own land.” BOOK I. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CLIO > BOOK IV. THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED MELPOMENE (41/66) · passage 278 · cos 0.55

“white than any other skin. Many also take the skins off the whole bodies of men and stretch them on pieces of wood and carry them about on their horses. 65.”

Herodotus — The History of Herodotus — Volume 1 · c. 440–430 BCE (composition of Histories; Volume I corresponds to Book I, “Clio”) · Halicarnassus · primary [98]

“white than any other skin. Many also take the skins off the whole bodies of men and stretch them on pieces of wood and carry them about on their horses. 65. Such are their established customs about these things; and to the skulls themselves, not of all but of their greatest enemies, they do thus:—the man saws off all below the eyebrows and clears out the inside; and if he is a poor man he only stretches ox-hide round it and then makes use of it; but if he be rich, besides stretching the ox-hide he gilds it over within, and makes use of it as a drinking-cup.” BOOK I. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CLIO > BOOK IV. THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED MELPOMENE (20/66) · passage 257 · cos 0.54

“{193} Do not, therefore, count it a crime on my part, that Philip proved victorious in the battle. The issue of that event lay with God, not with me.”

Demosthenes — The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 2 · c. 341 BCE (delivered early in spring; speech contents refer to campaign of 342–341) · Athens · primary [77]

“For in everything the final issue falls out as Heaven wills; but the principle which he follows itself reveals the mind of the statesman. {193} Do not, therefore, count it a crime on my part, that Philip proved victorious in the battle. The issue of that event lay with God, not with me. But show me that I did not adopt every expedient that was possible, so far as human reason could calculate; that I did not carry out my plan honestly and diligently, with exertions greater than my strength could bear; or that the policy which I initiated was not honourable, and worthy of Athens, and indeed necessary: and then denounce me, but not before. {194} But if the thunderbolt [or the storm] which fell has proved too mighty, not only for us, but for all the other Hellenes, what are we to do?” (60/89) · passage 59 · cos 0.54

“In battle, those who are most afraid are always in most danger; but courage is equivalent to a rampart. When I contemplate you, soldiers, and when I consider your past exploits, a strong hope of victory animates me. Your spirit, your age, your valor, give me confidence; to say nothing of necessity, which makes even cowards brave.”

Sallust (Gaius Sallustius Crispus) — Conspiracy of Catiline and the Jurgurthine War · c. 44-40 BCE · Rome · primary [16]

“To hope for safety in flight, when you have turned away from the enemy the arms by which the body is defended, is indeed madness. In battle, those who are most afraid are always in most danger; but courage is equivalent to a rampart. When I contemplate you, soldiers, and when I consider your past exploits, a strong hope of victory animates me. Your spirit, your age, your valor, give me confidence; to say nothing of necessity, which makes even cowards brave. To prevent the numbers of the enemy from surrounding us, our confined situation is sufficient. But should Fortune be unjust to your valor, take care not to lose your lives unavenged; take care not to be taken and butchered like cattle, rather than fighting like men, to leave to your enemies a bloody and mournful victory." LIX.” (32/151) · passage 31 · cos 0.59

“The whole of them were consequently routed and put to flight; most of their arms, and military standards, were taken; and more were killed in this than in all former battles, their escape being impeded by sleep and the sudden alarm.”

Sallust (Gaius Sallustius Crispus) — Conspiracy of Catiline and the Jurgurthine War · c. 44-40 BCE · Rome · primary [37]

“The Moors and Getulians, suddenly roused by the strange and terrible noise, could neither flee, nor take up arms, could neither act, nor provide for their security, so completely had fear, like a stupor,[295] from the uproar and shouting, the absence of support, the charge of our troops, and the tumult and alarm, seized upon them all. The whole of them were consequently routed and put to flight; most of their arms, and military standards, were taken; and more were killed in this than in all former battles, their escape being impeded by sleep and the sudden alarm.” (121/151) · passage 120 · cos 0.56

“Nor was Antonius far distant, as he was pursuing, though with, a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances, the enemy in retreat.[284] Catiline, when he saw that he was surrounded by mountains and by hostile forces, that his schemes in the city had been unsuccessful, and that there was no hope either of escape or of succor, thinking it best, in such circumstances, to try the fortune of a battle, resolved upon engaging, as speedily as possible, with Antonius.”

Sallust (Gaius Sallustius Crispus) — Conspiracy of Catiline and the Jurgurthine War · c. 44-40 BCE · Rome · primary [54]

“When, therefore, he had learned his route from some deserters, he immediately broke up his camp, and took his post at the very foot of the hills, at the point where Catiline's descent would be, in his hurried march into Gaul[283]. Nor was Antonius far distant, as he was pursuing, though with, a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances, the enemy in retreat.[284] Catiline, when he saw that he was surrounded by mountains and by hostile forces, that his schemes in the city had been unsuccessful, and that there was no hope either of escape or of succor, thinking it best, in such circumstances, to try the fortune of a battle, resolved upon engaging, as speedily as possible, with Antonius. Having, therefore, assembled his troops, he addressed them in the following manner: LVIII.” (31/151) · passage 30 · cos 0.56

“When he learned that Rutilius had taken his position, and seemed free from apprehension of danger, and heard, at the same time, an increasing noise where Jugurtha was engaged, fearing lest the lieutenant-general, taking the alarm, should go to the support of his countrymen in difficulties, he, in order to intercept his march, increased the extent of his lines, which, from distrust of the bravery of his men, he had previously condensed, and advanced in this order toward Rutilius' camp.”

Sallust (Gaius Sallustius Crispus) — Conspiracy of Catiline and the Jurgurthine War · c. 44-40 BCE · Rome · primary [61]

“Meanwhile Bomilcar, who, as I have said before, was appointed by Jugurtha over the elephants and a part of the infantry, having seen Rutilius pass by him, led down his men gradually into the plain, and while Rutilius hastened to the river, to which he had been dispatched, quietly drew them up in such order as circumstances required; not omitting, at the same time, to watch every movement of the enemy. When he learned that Rutilius had taken his position, and seemed free from apprehension of danger, and heard, at the same time, an increasing noise where Jugurtha was engaged, fearing lest the lieutenant-general, taking the alarm, should go to the support of his countrymen in difficulties, he, in order to intercept his march, increased the extent of his lines, which, from distrust of the bravery of his men, he had previously condensed, and advanced in this order toward Rutilius' camp. LIII.” (94/151) · passage 93 · cos 0.55

“Distinct in clearest air is Nisus seen Towering, and Scylla for the purple lock Pays dear; for whereso, as she flies, her wings The light air winnow, lo! fierce, implacable, Nisus with mighty whirr through heaven pursues; Where Nisus heavenward soareth, there her wings Clutch as she flies, the light air winnowing still. Soft then the voice of rooks from indrawn throat Thrice, four times, o'er repeated, and full oft On their high cradles, by some hidden joy Gladdened beyond their wont, in bustling throngs Among the leaves they riot; so sweet it is, When showers are spent, their own loved nests again And tender brood to visit.” (2/8) · passage 8 · cos 0.54

“Accordingly, they kept within their camp, avoiding battle, owing to the two-fold danger that threatened them, thinking that length of time and circumstances themselves would perchance soften down resentment, and bring them to a healthy frame of mind.”

“The recollection of the most mischievous precedent set in the last war was a terrible warning to them not to let matters go so far that they would have two armies to fear at the same time. Accordingly, they kept within their camp, avoiding battle, owing to the two-fold danger that threatened them, thinking that length of time and circumstances themselves would perchance soften down resentment, and bring them to a healthy frame of mind.” BOOK I > BOOK II (46/66) · passage 118 · cos 0.61

“View all the Trojan host, th’ Arcadian band, And Tuscan army; count ’em as they stand: Undaunted to the battle if we go, Scarce ev’ry second man will share a foe.”

Virgil — The Aeneid · c. 29–19 BCE · Mantua (region) · primary [29]

“Can we, before the face of heav’n, confess Our courage colder, or our numbers less? View all the Trojan host, th’ Arcadian band, And Tuscan army; count ’em as they stand: Undaunted to the battle if we go, Scarce ev’ry second man will share a foe. Turnus, ’tis true, in this unequal strife, Shall lose, with honour, his devoted life, Or change it rather for immortal fame, Succeeding to the gods, from whence he came: But you, a servile and inglorious band, For foreign lords shall sow your native land, Those fruitful fields your fighting fathers gain’d, Which have so long their lazy sons sustain’d.” With words like these, she carried her design: A rising murmur runs along the line.” BOOK I > BOOK XII (6/20) · passage 191 · cos 0.58

Plutarch — Complete Works of Plutarch — Volume 3: Essays and Miscellanies · c. AD 1–120 (composed across the early Imperial period; exact dates vary by essay) · Chaeronea · primary [55]

“to a war or who are in danger to send some message to their families. Our poet was familiar with this custom. For Andromache, bewailing Hector, says (I. xxiv. 743):-- For not to me was giv'n to clasp the hand extended from thy dying bed, Nor words of wisdom catch, which night and day, With tears, I might have treasur'd in my heart. Penelope recalls the commands of Odysseus when he set forth (O. xviii. 265):-- Wherefore I know not if the gods will suffer me to return, or whether I shall be cut off there in Troy; so do thou have a care for all these things. Be mindful of my father and my mother in the halls, even as thou art or yet more than now, while I am far away. But when thou see'st thy son a bearded man, marry whom thou wilt and leave thine own house. He knew also the custom of having stewards (O. ii.” BOOK I. > Book of the Gods treating of the other gods being nourished, says thus: (112/208) · passage 458 · cos 0.58

“And very handsome it is that Diomedes, though in the heat of the battle he answers the king only with silence, yet after the battle was over useth more liberty towards him, speaking thus:-- You called me coward, sir, before the Greeks. It is expedient also to take notice of the different carriage of a wise man and of a soothsayer popularly courting the multitude.”

Plutarch — Complete Works of Plutarch — Volume 3: Essays and Miscellanies · c. AD 1–120 (composed across the early Imperial period; exact dates vary by essay) · Chaeronea · primary [66]

“325.) For to have apologized to every one had been too servile and misbecoming the dignity of his person; whereas equally to have neglected every one had been an act of insolence and imprudence. And very handsome it is that Diomedes, though in the heat of the battle he answers the king only with silence, yet after the battle was over useth more liberty towards him, speaking thus:-- You called me coward, sir, before the Greeks. It is expedient also to take notice of the different carriage of a wise man and of a soothsayer popularly courting the multitude. For Chalcas very unseasonably makes no scruple to traduce the king before the people, as having been the cause of the pestilence that was befallen them.” BOOK I. > Book of the Gods treating of the other gods being nourished, says thus: (163/208) · passage 509 · cos 0.55

Lucius Annaeus Seneca — L. Annaeus Seneca on Benefits · c. 59-65 CE (approx.) · Rome · primary [65]

“short-lived advantages, they forget that, as soon as they put it out of their power to hear the truth, there is no limit to the misfortunes which they may expect. XXXI. When Xerxes declared war against Greece, all his courtiers encouraged his boastful temper, which forgot how unsubstantial his grounds for confidence were. One declared that the Greeks would not endure to hear the news of the declaration of war, and would take to flight at the first rumour of his approach; another, that with such a vast army Greece could not only be conquered, but utterly overwhelmed, and that it was rather to be feared that they would find the Greek cities empty and abandoned, and that the panic flight of the enemy would leave them only vast deserts, where no use could be made of their enormous forces.” BOOK I. The prevalence of ingratitude--How a benefit ought to be bestowed--The three Graces--Benefits are the chief bond of human society--What we owe in return for a benefit received--A benefit consists not of a thing but of the wish to do good--Socrates and > BOOK VI. (21/28) · passage 132 · cos 0.57

“For being driven close upon the marshes, and a great quantity of rain, as is usual in autumn, having fallen after the battle, their tents were all filled with mire and water, which through the coldness of the weather immediately froze. And while they were in this condition, there was news brought to them of their loss at sea.”

Plutarch — Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans · c. 100 CE (composed over time) · Chaeronea (birthplace/Greek mainland background) · primary [3]

“Neither were the affairs of Caesar and Antony in any better posture; for they were straitened for provision, and, the camp being in a low ground, they expected to pass a very hard winter. For being driven close upon the marshes, and a great quantity of rain, as is usual in autumn, having fallen after the battle, their tents were all filled with mire and water, which through the coldness of the weather immediately froze. And while they were in this condition, there was news brought to them of their loss at sea. For Brutus's fleet fell upon their ships, which were bringing a great supply of soldiers out of Italy, and so entirely defeated them, that but very few of the men escaped being slain, and they too were forced by famine to feed upon the sails and tackle of the ship.” (1402/1424) · passage 1401 · cos 0.68

“He then vowed a hecatomb and solemn sports to Hercules, and commanded his captains to make ready for battle, staying only till the sun should decline and come round to the west, lest, being in their faces in the morning, it should dazzle the eyes of his soldiers. Thus he whiled away the time in his tent, which was open towards the plain where his enemies were encamped.”

Plutarch — Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans · c. 100 CE (composed over time) · Chaeronea (birthplace/Greek mainland background) · primary [4]

“At the break of day he sacrificed as many as twenty in succession to Hercules, without any token that his offering was accepted; but at the one and twentieth, the signs promised victory to defenders. He then vowed a hecatomb and solemn sports to Hercules, and commanded his captains to make ready for battle, staying only till the sun should decline and come round to the west, lest, being in their faces in the morning, it should dazzle the eyes of his soldiers. Thus he whiled away the time in his tent, which was open towards the plain where his enemies were encamped. When it grew towards evening, some tell us, Aemilius himself used a stratagem to induce the enemy to begin the fight; that he turned loose a horse without a bridle, and sent some of the Romans to catch him, upon whose following the beast, the battle began.” (371/1424) · passage 370 · cos 0.67

“Besides this there appeared many birds of prey daily about the camp, and swarms of bees were seen in a place within the trenches, which place the soothsayers ordered to be shut out from the camp, to remove the superstition which insensibly began to infect even Cassius himself and shake him in his Epicurean philosophy, and had wholly seized and subdued the soldiers; from whence it was that Cassius was reluctant to put all to the hazard of a present battle, but advised rather to draw out the war u”

Plutarch — Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans · c. 100 CE (composed over time) · Chaeronea (birthplace/Greek mainland background) · primary [6]

“Further, it is said that some time before, at a certain solemn procession, a golden image of Victory, which was carried before Cassius, fell down by a slip of him that carried it. Besides this there appeared many birds of prey daily about the camp, and swarms of bees were seen in a place within the trenches, which place the soothsayers ordered to be shut out from the camp, to remove the superstition which insensibly began to infect even Cassius himself and shake him in his Epicurean philosophy, and had wholly seized and subdued the soldiers; from whence it was that Cassius was reluctant to put all to the hazard of a present battle, but advised rather to draw out the war until further time, considering that they were stronger in money and provisions, but in numbers of men and arms inferior.” (1394/1424) · passage 1393 · cos 0.65

“So he set them in their ancient order of battle used by their forefathers, under their captains of thousands, and other officers, and dismissed such as were newly married, as well as those that had newly gained possessions, that they might not fight in a cowardly manner, out of an inordinate love of life, in order to enjoy those blessings.”

Josephus, Flavius — Antiquities of the Jews · c. 93–94 CE · Jerusalem · primary [38]

“And when Judas saw their camp, and how numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to be of good courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in God, and to make supplication to him, according to the custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and thereby to prevail with God to grant you the victory over your enemies. So he set them in their ancient order of battle used by their forefathers, under their captains of thousands, and other officers, and dismissed such as were newly married, as well as those that had newly gained possessions, that they might not fight in a cowardly manner, out of an inordinate love of life, in order to enjoy those blessings.” BOOK I. Containing The Interval Of Three Thousand Eight Hundred And > CHAPTER 7. How Judas Overthrew The Forces Of Apollonius And Seron And (3/5) · passage 664 · cos 0.57

“So that whole night they prepared themselves for the battle; they took their weapons, if any of them had such as were well made, and attended to their commanders as ready to rush forth to the battle as soon as Moses should give the word of command. Moses also kept awake, teaching Joshua after what manner he should order his camp.”

Josephus, Flavius — Antiquities of the Jews · c. 93–94 CE · Jerusalem · primary [85]

“He also appointed a small party of the armed men to be near the water, and to take care of the children, and the women, and of the entire camp. So that whole night they prepared themselves for the battle; they took their weapons, if any of them had such as were well made, and attended to their commanders as ready to rush forth to the battle as soon as Moses should give the word of command. Moses also kept awake, teaching Joshua after what manner he should order his camp. But when the day began, Moses called for Joshua again, and exhorted him to approve himself in deeds such a one as a his reputation made men expect from him; and to gain glory by the present expedition, in the opinion of those under him, for his exploits in this battle. He also gave a particular exhortation to the principal men of the Hebrews, and encouraged the whole army as it stood armed before him.” BOOK I. Containing The Interval Of Three Thousand Eight Hundred And > CHAPTER 2. How The Amalekites And The Neighbouring Nations, Made War (2/3) · passage 188 · cos 0.54

“After they had sent such embassages to the neighboring nations, and among one another, they resolved to attack the Hebrews in battle. 2. These proceedings of the people of those countries occasioned perplexity and trouble to Moses, who expected no such warlike preparations.”

Josephus, Flavius — Antiquities of the Jews · c. 93–94 CE · Jerusalem · primary [90]

“They were called Amalekites, and were the most warlike of the nations that lived thereabout; and whose kings exhorted one another, and their neighbors, to go to this war against the Hebrews; telling them that an army of strangers, and such a one as had run away from slavery under the Egyptians, lay in wait to ruin them; which army they were not, in common prudence and regard to their own safety, to overlook, but to crush them before they gather strength, and come to be in prosperity: and perhaps attack them first in a hostile manner, as presuming upon our indolence in not attacking them before; and that we ought to avenge ourselves of them for what they have done in the wilderness, but that this cannot be so well done when they have once laid their hands on our cities and our goods: that those who endeavor to crush a power in its first rise, are wiser than those that endeavor to put a stop to its progress when it is become formidable; for these last seem to be angry only at the flourishing of others, but ” BOOK I. Containing The Interval Of Three Thousand Eight Hundred And > CHAPTER 2. How The Amalekites And The Neighbouring Nations, Made War (1/3) · passage 187 · cos 0.53

Josephus, Flavius — Antiquities of the Jews · c. 93–94 CE · Jerusalem · primary [106]

“their grant, and as gained by their good- will to him, and would remember the favors they had done him, and would make them a sufficient recompense for the same. 3. These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by themselves, and they communicated them to all such as came in to them. Now those that inquired about this matter willingly embraced the invitation that was made them to join with the rest; so they carried Claudius into the camp, crowding about him as his guard, and encompassing him about, one chairman still succeeding another, that their vehement endeavors might not be hindered. But as to the populace and senators, they disagreed in their opinions.” BOOK I. Containing The Interval Of Three Thousand Eight Hundred And > CHAPTER 3. How Claudius Was Seized Upon And Brought Out Of His House And (3/3) · passage 1023 · cos 0.54

“They also carry with them to battle certain images and standards taken from the sacred groves. [53] It is a principal incentive to their courage, that their squadrons and battalions are not formed by men fortuitously collected, but by the assemblage of families and clans. Their pledges also are near at hand; they have within hearing the yells of their women, and the cries of their children.”

Cornelius Tacitus — The Germany and the Agricola of Tacitus · c. 98 CE (Germany and Agricola; Agricola probably shortly after Domitian’s death, 96 CE) · Rome · primary [20]

“None, however, but the priests [52] are permitted to judge offenders, to inflict bonds or stripes; so that chastisement appears not as an act of military discipline, but as the instigation of the god whom they suppose present with warriors. They also carry with them to battle certain images and standards taken from the sacred groves. [53] It is a principal incentive to their courage, that their squadrons and battalions are not formed by men fortuitously collected, but by the assemblage of families and clans. Their pledges also are near at hand; they have within hearing the yells of their women, and the cries of their children. These, too, are the most revered witnesses of each man's conduct, these his most liberal applauders. To their mothers and their wives they bring their wounds for relief, nor do these dread to count or to search out the gashes.” (5/88) · passage 4 · cos 0.58

“[54] They not only interposed to prevent the flight of their husbands and sons, but, in desperate emergencies, themselves engaged in battle. This happened on Marius's defeat of the Cimbri (hereafter to be mentioned); and Dio relates, that when Marcus Aurelius overthrew the Marcomanni, Quadi, and other German allies, the bodies of women in armor were found among the slain.”

Cornelius Tacitus — The Germany and the Agricola of Tacitus · c. 98 CE (Germany and Agricola; Agricola probably shortly after Domitian’s death, 96 CE) · Rome · primary [31]

“22, where Tacitus says:--"Depromptae silvis lucisve ferarum imagines, ut cuique genti inire praelium mos est." It would hence appear that these effigies and signa were images of wild animals, and were national standards preserved with religious care in sacred woods and groves, whence they were brought forth when the clan or tribe was about to take the field.--*White*. [54] They not only interposed to prevent the flight of their husbands and sons, but, in desperate emergencies, themselves engaged in battle. This happened on Marius's defeat of the Cimbri (hereafter to be mentioned); and Dio relates, that when Marcus Aurelius overthrew the Marcomanni, Quadi, and other German allies, the bodies of women in armor were found among the slain.” (52/88) · passage 51 · cos 0.56

Cornelius Tacitus — The Germany and the Agricola of Tacitus · c. 98 CE (Germany and Agricola; Agricola probably shortly after Domitian’s death, 96 CE) · Rome · primary [92]

“"Lucus erat longo nunquam violatus ab aevo. ... Barbara ritu Sacra Deum, structae diris altaribus arae, Omnis et humanis lustrata cruoribus arbor." [64] That is, as in the preceding case, a deity whose attributes corresponded to those of the Roman Mars. This appears to have been not *Thor*, who is rather the representative of the Roman Jupiter, but *Tyr*, "a warrior god, and the protector of champions and brave men!" "From *Tyr* is derived the name given to the third day of the week in most of the Teutonic languages, and which has been rendered into Latin by *Dies Martis*. Old Norse, *Tirsdagr*, *Tisdagr*; Swedish, *Tisdag*; Danish, *Tirsdag*; German, *Dienstag*; Dutch, *Dingsdag*; Anglo-Saxon, *Tyrsdaeg*, *Tyvesdag*, *Tivesdaeg*; English, *Tuesday*"--(Mallet's North. Ant. ch. v.)--*White*.” (54/88) · passage 53 · cos 0.55

Cornelius Tacitus — Tacitus on Germany · c. 98 CE (early in the reign of Trajan) · Rome · primary [7]

“in their sacrifices, or to enter into their assemblies; and many who had escaped in the day of battle, have hanged themselves to put an end to this their infamy. In the choice of kings they are determined by the splendour of their race, in that of generals by their bravery. Neither is the power of their kings unbounded or arbitrary: and their generals procure obedience not so much by the force of their authority as by that of their example, when they appear enterprising and brave, when they signalise themselves by courage and prowess; and if they surpass all in admiration and pre-eminence, if they surpass all at the head of an army. But to none else but the Priests is it allowed to exercise correction, or to inflict bonds or stripes.” (5/22) · passage 4 · cos 0.60

Cornelius Tacitus — Tacitus on Germany · c. 98 CE (early in the reign of Trajan) · Rome · primary [26]

“human likeness. They consecrate whole woods and groves, and by the names of the Gods they call these recesses; divinities these, which only in contemplation and mental reverence they behold. To the use of lots and auguries, they are addicted beyond all other nations. Their method of divining by lots is exceeding simple. From a tree which bears fruit they cut a twig, and divide it into two small pieces. These they distinguish by so many several marks, and throw them at random and without order upon a white garment. Then the Priest of the community, if for the public the lots are consulted, or the father of a family if about a private concern, after he has solemnly invoked the Gods, with eyes lifted up to heaven, takes up every piece thrice, and having done thus forms a judgment according to the marks before made.” (6/22) · passage 5 · cos 0.63

“In the day of battle, it is scandalous to the Prince to be surpassed in feats of bravery, scandalous to his followers to fail in matching the bravery of the Prince. But it is infamy during life, and indelible reproach, to return alive from a battle where their Prince was slain.”

Cornelius Tacitus — Tacitus on Germany · c. 98 CE (early in the reign of Trajan) · Rome · primary [50]

“For such are courted by Embassies, and distinguished with presents, and by the terror of their fame alone often dissipate wars. In the day of battle, it is scandalous to the Prince to be surpassed in feats of bravery, scandalous to his followers to fail in matching the bravery of the Prince. But it is infamy during life, and indelible reproach, to return alive from a battle where their Prince was slain. To preserve their Prince, to defend him, and to ascribe to his glory all their own valorous deeds, is the sum and most sacred part of their oath. The Princes fight for victory; for the Prince his followers fight. Many of the young nobility, when their own community comes to languish in its vigour by long peace and inactivity, betake themselves through impatience in other States which then prove to be in war.” (8/22) · passage 7 · cos 0.56

“To recoil in battle, provided you return again to the attack, passes with them rather for policy than fear. Even when the combat is no more than doubtful, they bear away the bodies of their slain.”

Cornelius Tacitus — Tacitus on Germany · c. 98 CE (early in the reign of Trajan) · Rome · primary [69]

“In arraying their army, they divide the whole into distinct battalions formed sharp in front. To recoil in battle, provided you return again to the attack, passes with them rather for policy than fear. Even when the combat is no more than doubtful, they bear away the bodies of their slain. The most glaring disgrace that can befall them, is to have quitted their shield; nor to one branded with such ignominy is it lawful to join in their sacrifices, or to enter into their assemblies; and many who had escaped in the day of battle, have hanged themselves to put an end to this their infamy.” (4/22) · passage 3 · cos 0.55

Epictetus (translated by George Long) — A Selection from the Discourses of Epictetus with the Encheiridion · c. 100-135 CE · Nicopolis, Epirus · primary [107]

“A tyrant never killed a man in six months: but a fever is often a year about it. All these things are only sound and the noise of empty names. HOW WE OUGHT TO USE DIVINATION.—Through an unreasonable regard to divination many of us omit many duties. For what more can the diviner see than death or danger or disease, or generally things of that kind? If then I must expose myself to danger for a friend, and if it is my duty even to die for him, what need have I then for divination? Have I not within me a diviner who has told me the nature of good and of evil, and has explained to me the signs (or marks) of both? What need have I then to consult the viscera of victims or the flight of birds, and why do I submit when he says, It is for your interest?” (33/119) · passage 32 · cos 0.53

“Therefore, without loss of time, before daybreak, he sent for the Etruscan soothsayers, and consulted them what this new kind of star portended; who replied, that he must cautiously avoid attempting any new enterprise at present, showing that it was laid down in the works of Tarquitius,[153] "on divine affairs," that when a light of this kind is seen in heaven, no battle ought to be engaged in, or any similar measure be undertaken.”

Ammianus Marcellinus — The Roman History of Ammianus Marcellinus · c. 390s CE · Antioch (modern Antakya), Roman Syria · primary [12]

“7. Therefore, without loss of time, before daybreak, he sent for the Etruscan soothsayers, and consulted them what this new kind of star portended; who replied, that he must cautiously avoid attempting any new enterprise at present, showing that it was laid down in the works of Tarquitius,[153] "on divine affairs," that when a light of this kind is seen in heaven, no battle ought to be engaged in, or any similar measure be undertaken. 8. But as he despised this and many other similar warnings, the diviners at least entreated him to delay his march for some hours; but they could not prevail even to this extent, as the emperor was always opposed to the whole science of divination. So at break of day the camp was struck. III. § 1.” C.D. YONGE, M.A. > BOOK XXV. (4/21) · passage 243 · cos 0.59

“And immediately, having crossed the river, he ordered the bridge to be taken to pieces, that the soldiers might have no hope of safety by quitting their ranks and returning. 6.”

Ammianus Marcellinus — The Roman History of Ammianus Marcellinus · c. 390s CE · Antioch (modern Antakya), Roman Syria · primary [14]

“And immediately, having crossed the river, he ordered the bridge to be taken to pieces, that the soldiers might have no hope of safety by quitting their ranks and returning. 6. Here also a bad omen was seen; the corpse of an officer who had been put to death by the executioner, whom Sallust, the prefect, while in this country had condemned to death, because, after having promised to deliver an additional supply of provisions by an appointed day, he disappointed him through some hindrance. But after the unhappy man had been executed, the very next day there arrived, as he had promised, another fleet heavily laden with corn. 7. Leaving Circesium, we came to Zaitha, the name of the place meaning an olive-tree.” C.D. YONGE, M.A. > BOOK XXIII. (7/20) · passage 209 · cos 0.61

“And as human sagacity was of no avail in such a state of affairs, we were long in doubt and perplexity; and raising altars and sacrificing victims we consulted the will of the gods; inquiring whether it was their will that we should return through Assyria, or advancing slowly along the foot of the mountain chain, should surprise and plunder Chiliocomum near Corduena; but neither of these plans was conformable to the omens presented by an inspection of the sacrifices.”

Ammianus Marcellinus — The Roman History of Ammianus Marcellinus · c. 390s CE · Antioch (modern Antakya), Roman Syria · primary [17]

“4. And as human sagacity was of no avail in such a state of affairs, we were long in doubt and perplexity; and raising altars and sacrificing victims we consulted the will of the gods; inquiring whether it was their will that we should return through Assyria, or advancing slowly along the foot of the mountain chain, should surprise and plunder Chiliocomum near Corduena; but neither of these plans was conformable to the omens presented by an inspection of the sacrifices. 5.” C.D. YONGE, M.A. > BOOK XXIV. (17/17) · passage 239 · cos 0.61

“But to any whom he saw inconsiderately demanding the signal to be given for instant battle, and likely by their rash movements to be inattentive to orders, he said, "I entreat you not to be too eager in your pursuit of the flying enemy, so as to risk losing the glory of the victory which awaits us, and also never to retreat, except under the last necessity. 33. "For I shall certainly take no care of those who flee.”

Ammianus Marcellinus — The Roman History of Ammianus Marcellinus · c. 390s CE · Antioch (modern Antakya), Roman Syria · primary [24]

“"Let us rise up like brave men; let us by our native valour repel the disgrace which has at one time been brought upon our arms, from contemplating which it was that after much delay I consented to take the name of Cæsar." 32. But to any whom he saw inconsiderately demanding the signal to be given for instant battle, and likely by their rash movements to be inattentive to orders, he said, "I entreat you not to be too eager in your pursuit of the flying enemy, so as to risk losing the glory of the victory which awaits us, and also never to retreat, except under the last necessity. 33. "For I shall certainly take no care of those who flee. But among those who press on to the slaughter of the enemy I shall be present, and share with you indiscriminately, provided only that your charge be made with moderation and prudence."” C.D. YONGE, M.A. > BOOK XVI. (20/26) · passage 74 · cos 0.60

“But in the first Punic war there was no more disastrous event than the Roman defeat in which Regulus was taken.”

Augustine (Aurelius Augustine), Saint of Hippo — The City of God, Volume I · composed 413–426; published/issued in installments during composition · Hippo Regius (Annaba), Roman North Africa · primary [58]

“And no wonder; for when they were renewed, the great abundance of dying men made all hell rejoice at its riches, and give itself up to sport: for certainly the ferocious wars, and disastrous quarrels, and bloody victories--now on one side, and now on the other--though most calamitous to men, afforded great sport and a rich banquet to the devils. But in the first Punic war there was no more disastrous event than the Roman defeat in which Regulus was taken. We made mention of him in the two former books as an incontestably great man, who had before conquered and subdued the Carthaginians, and who would have put an end to the first Punic war, had not an inordinate appetite for praise and glory prompted him to impose on the worn-out Carthaginians harder conditions than they could bear.” BOOK I. > BOOK THIRD. (20/33) · passage 105 · cos 0.55

“circulate. For, indeed, all that we have said we have derived from them, and there is much more to say of a worse kind which we are unable to say. Where, then, were those gods who are supposed to be justly worshipped for the slender and delusive prosperity of this world, when the Romans, who were seduced to their service by lying wiles, were harassed by such calamities? Where were they when Valerius the consul was killed while defending the Capitol, that had been fired by exiles and slaves? He was himself better able to defend the temple of Jupiter, than that crowd of divinities with their most high and mighty king, whose temple he came to the rescue of, were able to defend him.” BOOK I. > BOOK THIRD. (18/33) · passage 103 · cos 0.56

“11. _Of the statue of Apollo at Cumæ, whose tears are supposed to have portended disaster to the Greeks, whom the god was unable to succour._ And it is still this weakness of the gods which is confessed in the story of the Cuman Apollo, who is said to have wept for four days during the war with the Achæans and King Aristonicus. And when the augurs were alarmed at the portent, and had determined to cast the statue into the sea, the old men of Cumæ interposed, and related that a similar prodigy had occurred to the same image during the wars against Antiochus and against Perseus, and that by a decree of the senate gifts had been presented to Apollo, because the event had proved favourable to the Romans.” BOOK I. > BOOK THIRD. (8/33) · passage 93 · cos 0.56

“gods, and that men may be induced to offer to them a worship which associates them with their crimes, and involves them in one common wickedness and judgment of God. Afterwards, when Sylla had come to Tarentum, and had sacrificed there, he saw on the head of the victim's liver the likeness of a golden crown. Thereupon the same soothsayer Postumius interpreted this to signify a signal victory, and ordered that he only should eat of the entrails. A little afterwards, the slave of a certain Lucius Pontius cried out, "I am Bellona's messenger; the victory is yours, Sylla!" Then he added that the Capitol should be burned. As soon as he had uttered this prediction he left the camp, but returned the following day more excited than ever, and shouted, "The Capitol is fired!" And fired indeed it was. This it was easy for a demon both to foresee and quickly to announce.” BOOK I. > BOOK SECOND. (29/33) · passage 77 · cos 0.55

Muhammad (recited); trans. George Sale — The Koran (Al-Qur'an) · c. 610-632 CE; English translation 1734 · Mecca and Medina, Arabia · primary [101]

“was blank. If the first was drawn, they looked on it as an approbation of the enterprise in question; if the second, they made a contrary conclusion; but if the 7 Sokeiker al Dimishki, and Auctor libri al Mostatraf, apud Hyde, ubi sup. p. 8. 8 Khondemir. apud eund. ibid. p. 41. 1 Vide Hyde, ubi sup. p. 9. 2 Vide eundem, in Proleg. and Chardin, Voy. de Perse, t. 2, p. 46. 3 Lib. iv. ad Nicom. 4 Vide Horat. l. 3. Carm. Od. 24. 5 ff. de Aleatoribus. Novell. Just. 123, &c. Vide Hyde, ubi sup. in Hist. Aleæ, p. 119. 6 Authent. interdicimus, c. de episcopis. 7 In com. ad Legem Præd. 8 Du Fresne, in Gloss. 9 Bava Mesia, 84, I; Rosh hashana and Sanhedr. 24, 2. Vide etiam Maimon. in Tract. Gezila. Among the modern civilians, Mascardus thought common gamesters were not to be admitted as witnesses, being infamous persons. Vide Hyde, ubi sup. in Proleg. et in Hist. Aleæ, § 3. 10 Kor. c.” C.I.E., Ph.D., ETC. > SECTION V. (6/10) · passage 142 · cos 0.54

“Says Baligant: "My pagan tribes adverse, Battle to seek, canter ye now ahead!" Carries the ensign Amboires of Oluferne; Pagans cry out, by Preciuse they swear. And the Franks say: "Great hurt this day you'll get!" And very loud "Monjoie!" they cry again. That Emperour has bid them sound trumpets; And the olifant sounds over all its knell. The pagans say: "Carlun's people are fair.”

Anonymous (Old French epic) — The Song of Roland · perhaps mid-11th century (c.) · West/central France (Old French epic composition; precise locality unknown) · primary [87]

“CCXXXVII Great are the hosts, and all the columns fair, No peak nor vale nor cliff between them there, Thicket nor wood, nor ambush anywhere; Across the plain they see each other well. Says Baligant: "My pagan tribes adverse, Battle to seek, canter ye now ahead!" Carries the ensign Amboires of Oluferne; Pagans cry out, by Preciuse they swear. And the Franks say: "Great hurt this day you'll get!" And very loud "Monjoie!" they cry again. That Emperour has bid them sound trumpets; And the olifant sounds over all its knell. The pagans say: "Carlun's people are fair. Battle we'll have, bitter and keenly set." AOI. CCXXXVIII Great is that plain, and wide is that country; Their helmets shine with golden jewellery, Also their sarks embroidered and their shields, And the ensigns fixed on all their burnished spears.” (45/54) · passage 44 · cos 0.53

“Says Chemubles "My sword is in its place, At Rencesvals scarlat I will it stain; Find I Rollanz the proud upon my way, I'll fall on him, or trust me not again, And Durendal I'll conquer with this blade, Franks shall be slain, and France a desert made." The dozen peers are, at this word, away, Five score thousand of Sarrazins they take; Who keenly press, and on to battle haste; In a fir-wood their gear they ready make.”

Anonymous (Old French epic) — The Song of Roland · perhaps mid-11th century (c.) · West/central France (Old French epic composition; precise locality unknown) · primary [89]

“No sun shone there, nor grew there any grain, No dew fell there, nor any shower of rain, The very stones were black upon that plain; And many say that devils there remain. Says Chemubles "My sword is in its place, At Rencesvals scarlat I will it stain; Find I Rollanz the proud upon my way, I'll fall on him, or trust me not again, And Durendal I'll conquer with this blade, Franks shall be slain, and France a desert made." The dozen peers are, at this word, away, Five score thousand of Sarrazins they take; Who keenly press, and on to battle haste; In a fir-wood their gear they ready make.” (14/54) · passage 13 · cos 0.53

“When I am come into the battle grand, And blows lay on, by hundred, by thousand, Of Durendal bloodied you'll see the brand. Franks are good men; like vassals brave they'll stand; Nay, Spanish men from death have no warrant." LXXXVI Says Oliver: "In this I see no blame; I have beheld the Sarrazins of Spain; Covered with them, the mountains and the vales, The wastes I saw, and all the farthest plains.”

Anonymous (Old French epic) — The Song of Roland · perhaps mid-11th century (c.) · West/central France (Old French epic composition; precise locality unknown) · primary [93]

“Never by me shall men reproach my clan. When I am come into the battle grand, And blows lay on, by hundred, by thousand, Of Durendal bloodied you'll see the brand. Franks are good men; like vassals brave they'll stand; Nay, Spanish men from death have no warrant." LXXXVI Says Oliver: "In this I see no blame; I have beheld the Sarrazins of Spain; Covered with them, the mountains and the vales, The wastes I saw, and all the farthest plains. A muster great they've made, this people strange; We have of men a very little tale." Answers Rollanz: "My anger is inflamed. Never, please God His Angels and His Saints, Never by me shall Frankish valour fail! Rather I'll die than shame shall me attain.” (15/54) · passage 14 · cos 0.53

“Says Oliver: "Now is our battle grand." XCVIII Sansun the Duke goes strike that almacour, The shield he breaks, with golden flowers tooled, That good hauberk for him is nothing proof, He's sliced the heart, the lungs and liver through, And flung him dead, as well or ill may prove.”

Anonymous (Old French epic) — The Song of Roland · perhaps mid-11th century (c.) · West/central France (Old French epic composition; precise locality unknown) · primary [94]

“XCVII And his comrade Gerers strikes the admiral, The shield he breaks, the hauberk unmetals, And his good spear drives into his vitals, So well he's pinned him, clean through the carcass, Dead on the field he's flung him from his hand. Says Oliver: "Now is our battle grand." XCVIII Sansun the Duke goes strike that almacour, The shield he breaks, with golden flowers tooled, That good hauberk for him is nothing proof, He's sliced the heart, the lungs and liver through, And flung him dead, as well or ill may prove.” (18/54) · passage 17 · cos 0.53

Sæmundr fróði (attrib.) and Snorri Sturluson; tr. Benjamin Thorpe and I.A. Blackwell — The Elder Eddas of Saemund Sigfusson; and the Younger Eddas of Snorre Sturleson · 12th-13th century (Old Norse originals) · Oddi, Iceland · primary [96]

“11. The sons of Hunding afterwards demanded from Sigmund's son treasure and rings; because they had on the prince to avenge their great loss of wealth, and their father's death. 12. The prince would neither the blood-fine pay, nor for the slain indemnity would give. They might expect, he said, a terrific storm of grey arrows, and Odin's ire. 13. The warriors went to the trysting place of swords, which they had appointed at Logafioll. Broken was Frodi's peace between the foes: Vidrir's hounds went about the isle slaughter-greedy. 14. The leader sat under the Arastein, after he had slain Alf and Eyiolf, Hiorvard and Havard, sons of Hunding: he had destroyed all Geirmimir's race. 15.” (55/143) · passage 54 · cos 0.55

“This seems to be true of all such like things; except omens, because human words which are taken for an omen are not subject to the disposition of the stars, yet are they ordered according to divine providence and sometimes according to the action of the demons.”

“In the second place, this instinct is produced by a spiritual cause, namely, either by God, as may be seen in the dove that descended upon Christ, the raven that fed Elias, and the whale that swallowed and vomited Jonas, or by demons, who make use of these actions of dumb animals in order to entangle our minds with vain opinions. This seems to be true of all such like things; except omens, because human words which are taken for an omen are not subject to the disposition of the stars, yet are they ordered according to divine providence and sometimes according to the action of the demons.” PART II-II ("Secunda Secundae") > i.e. without previous judgment [*Vulg.: 'Observe these things without prejudice, doing nothing by declining to either side.']. Therefore these three should not be associated with an oath any more than with other human actions. (38/163) · passage 641 · cos 0.55

“Yet the elder senators, mindful of their forefathers' manners, condemned this proceeding as degenerating from their ancient practice, which, they said, was to fight by valour, and not by artifice, surprises, and night-encounters; neither by pretended flight nor unexpected rallies to overcome their enemies; never making war till having first proclaimed it, and very often assigned both the hour and place of battle.”

“WHETHER THE GOVERNOR OF A PLACE BESIEGED OUGHT HIMSELF TO GO OUT TO PARLEY Quintus Marcius, the Roman legate in the war against Perseus, King of Macedon, to gain time wherein to reinforce his army, set on foot some overtures of accommodation, with which the king being lulled asleep, concluded a truce for some days, by this means giving his enemy opportunity and leisure to recruit his forces, which was afterwards the occasion of the king's final ruin. Yet the elder senators, mindful of their forefathers' manners, condemned this proceeding as degenerating from their ancient practice, which, they said, was to fight by valour, and not by artifice, surprises, and night-encounters; neither by pretended flight nor unexpected rallies to overcome their enemies; never making war till having first proclaimed it, and very often assigned both the hour and place of battle.” BOOK THE FIRST > CHAPTER V (1/2) · passage 14 · cos 0.54

Francis Bacon — The Essays or Counsels, Civil and Moral · c. 1597–1612 (main composition/expansion of the Essays) · London, England (historical core of Tudor/early Stuart political life) · primary [110]

“in territory, and yet not apt to enlarge or command; and some that have but a small dimension of stem, and yet apt to be the foundations of great monarchies. Walled towns, stored arsenals and armories, goodly races of horse, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance, artillery, and the like; all this is but a sheep in a lion's skin, except the breed and disposition of the people, be stout and warlike. Nay, number (itself) in armies importeth not much, where the people is of weak courage; for (as Virgil saith) It never troubles a wolf, how many the sheep be. The army of the Persians, in the plains of Arbela, was such a vast sea of people, as it did somewhat astonish the commanders in Alexander's army; who came to him therefore, and wished him to set upon them by night; and he answered, He would not pilfer the victory. And the defeat was easy.” (49/99) · passage 48 · cos 0.53

By period

metadata clusters — composition century, never content

8th century BCE · 13 In the Homeric tradition, battle is preceded or accompanied by signs and divine communications treated as real reasons for morale: a bird flying by is explicitly taken as an omen that makes the Achaeans “shout” and “take heart” [46], and Odysseus prays for “a word of good omen… within, and without,” after which Zeus thunders and Odysseus is “glad” [103]. The passages also show that omens can be moralized through the gods’ battlefield interventions (e.g., war rages everywhere “as it were a fiery furnace,” or a goddess urges courage), functioning as serious expectations about how the fight will go [21] [27].

5th–3rd century BCE · 11 These sources do not focus on omens as pre-battle signs. They instead emphasize procedures of divination and religious machinery in general (e.g., “diviners,” with outcomes affecting execution of the first diviners) [76], but the quotations given do not connect specific omens to decisions immediately before battle.

2nd century BCE · 8 No serious pre-battle omens are described in these excerpts. The quoted content centers on timing, planning, harangues, formations, and military dispositions rather than interpreting signs [113] [111] [25] [34] [36] [40].

1st century BCE · 25 The 1st-century BCE materials largely provide non-omen justifications (strategy, courage, or divine disposition framed as “tokens” and “warnings” in Virgil), rather than recording named omens acted upon right before battle. Caesar’s Gallic account stresses religious acceptance of sacrifice rather than reading battlefield signs as decisive omens [9] [13], while Cicero’s “twofold method” is interpretive of political prospects, and Virgil speaks of “certain tokens” from heats, showers, and winds that reveal warnings [56] [30].

1st–2nd century · 21 Omens are not directly narrated as decisions made immediately before battle, but divination as a practice is strongly present. Tacitus describes peoples “addicted to divination by omens and lots” and gives a concrete method using marked twig pieces thrown on a white garment [1] [26], and Epictetus pushes back by treating “all omens” as “fortunate if I choose to have it so” [47]; however, these are more about belief in omens than specific pre-battle omens being taken seriously in an episode.

6th–7th century · 8 These excerpts do not mention omens before battle. They describe deliberations, military eagerness, sacrifice/duties in general terms, and fate without any concrete omen-taking practice tied to a battle decision [64] [67] [41] [59].

13th–17th century · 13 No battle-omen episodes are recorded here, but there is explicit conceptual treatment of omens and divination. Aquinas argues that “omens” (as human words taken as omens) are ordered by divine providence, while divination beyond nature/providence is unlawful/superstitious [42] [44], reflecting a serious theological status for omens even when expanded divination is condemned.

Not directly relevant to what omens were taken seriously before battle in these excerpts. · 58 sources

A visible bird omen is taken immediately as meaningful before/at battle and boosts morale. · 1 sources

Personal prayer seeking signs from Zeus is answered with a concrete celestial event treated as good omen. · 1 sources

Omens and lots are presented as entrenched practices tied to divination for decision-making. · 1 sources

Omens are treated as unreliable/optional for determining action, depending on the agent’s judgment. · 1 sources

Religious acts (sacrifice/offerings) are relevant to war, but the excerpts do not describe specific omen interpretations before battle. · 1 sources

Warnings can come from “tokens” in nature, but the excerpt does not tie them to a specific battlefield omen decision. · 1 sources

not directly relevant · 50 sources

By period

Positions