not directly relevant · 62 sources
Passages that do not clearly state what Romans said about Christians are excluded from the positional answering.
“Many Romans have volunteered to decide a whole battle by single combat; not a few have deliberately accepted certain death, some in time of war to secure the safety of the rest, some in time of peace to preserve the safety of the commonwealth.”
“And what I
say is confirmed by this fact. Many Romans have volunteered to decide a whole battle by single combat; not a few have deliberately accepted certain death, some in time of war to secure the safety of the rest, some in time of peace to preserve the safety of the commonwealth. There have also been instances of men in office putting their own sons to death, in defiance of every custom and law, because they rated the interests of their country higher than those of natural ties even with their nearest and dearest. There are many stories of this kind, related of many men in Roman history; but one will be enough for our present purpose; and I will give the name as an instance to prove the truth of my words.”
BOOK I > BOOK VI (33/36) · passage 406
· cos 0.58
“This is the reason why, apart from anything else, Greek statesmen, if entrusted with a single talent, though protected by ten checking-clerks, as many seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet cannot be induced to keep faith: whereas among the Romans, in their magistracies and embassies, men have the handling of a great amount of money, and yet from pure respect to their oath keep their faith intact.”
“Wherefore, to my mind, the ancients were not acting without purpose or at random, when they brought in among the vulgar those opinions about the gods, and the belief in the punishments in Hades: much rather do I think that men nowadays are acting rashly and foolishly in rejecting them. This is the reason why, apart from anything else, Greek statesmen, if entrusted with a single talent, though protected by ten checking-clerks, as many seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet cannot be induced to keep faith: whereas among the Romans, in their magistracies and embassies, men have the handling of a great amount of money, and yet from pure respect to their oath keep their faith intact.”
BOOK I > BOOK VI (34/36) · passage 407
· cos 0.58
“and, a little before this period, slaves and dependants, who were ascertained to have been beloved by them, were, after the regular funeral rites were completed, burnt together with them.”
Julius Caesar —
"De Bello Gallico" and Other Commentaries
· Commentaries composed during Caesar's Gallic campaigns (and later civil conflict), 58–52 BCE, with additional commentarial material through 49 BCE. · Gallia Comata (central Gaul, Roman campaign base territories)
· primary
[63]
“and, a little before this period, slaves and dependants, who were ascertained to have been beloved by them, were, after the regular funeral rites were completed, burnt together with them. XX.--Those states which are considered to conduct their commonwealth more judiciously, have it ordained by their laws, that, if any person shall have heard by rumour and report from his neighbours anything concerning the commonwealth, he shall convey it to the magistrate and not impart it to any other; because it has been discovered that inconsiderate and inexperienced men were often alarmed by false reports and driven to some rash act, or else took hasty measures in affairs of the highest importance. The magistrates conceal those things which require to be kept unknown; and they disclose to the people whatever they determine to be expedient.”
C.W. Bateman, 1882. Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War, translated by T. Rice Holmes, London, 1908 (see also Holmes' Caesar's Conquest of > BOOK VI (10/18) · passage 112
· cos 0.59
“state, by taking upon him, as was his custom,[230] the defense of the criminals. That this attack on his character was made by Cicero, I afterward heard Crassus himself assert. XLIX. Yet, at the same time, neither by interest, nor by solicitation, nor by bribes, could Quintus Catulus, and Caius Piso, prevail upon
Cicero to have Caius Caesar falsely accused, either by means of the
Allobroges, or any other evidence.”
“state, by taking upon him, as was his custom,[230] the defense of the criminals. That this attack on his character was made by Cicero, I afterward heard Crassus himself assert. XLIX. Yet, at the same time, neither by interest, nor by solicitation, nor by bribes, could Quintus Catulus, and Caius Piso, prevail upon
Cicero to have Caius Caesar falsely accused, either by means of the
Allobroges, or any other evidence.”
(23/151) · passage 22
· cos 0.60
“adopted injudicious courses of conduct; but I had rather speak of these instances in which our ancestors, in opposition, to the impulse of passion, acted with wisdom and sound policy.”
“adopted injudicious courses of conduct; but I had rather speak of these instances in which our ancestors, in opposition, to the impulse of passion, acted with wisdom and sound policy. In the Macedonian war, which we carried on against king Perses, the great and powerful state of Rhodes, which had risen by the aid of the
Roman people, was faithless and hostile to us; yet, when the war was ended, and the conduct of the Rhodians was taken into consideration, our forefathers left them unmolested lest any should say that war was made upon them for the sake of seizing their wealth, rather than of punishing their faithlessness.”
(24/151) · passage 23
· cos 0.59
“the artificers' quarters, lying beyond the forum and in the jaws of the suburra, which stretched away over the level ground to the foot of the Esquiline and Quirinal Hills.--D.O.]
[Footnote 19: Romulus had made his year to consist of ten months, the first month being March, and the number of days in the year only 304, which corresponded neither with the course of the sun nor moon.”
Titus Livius (Livy) —
Roman History, Books I-III
· c. 30–17 CE; composed over more than forty years (extant Books I–III are within this span) · Rome (tradition/compilation in Augustus’ orbit)
· primary
[65]
“the artificers' quarters, lying beyond the forum and in the jaws of the suburra, which stretched away over the level ground to the foot of the Esquiline and Quirinal Hills.--D.O.]
[Footnote 19: Romulus had made his year to consist of ten months, the first month being March, and the number of days in the year only 304, which corresponded neither with the course of the sun nor moon. Numa, who added the two months of January and February, divided the year into twelve months, according to the course of the moon. This was the lunar Greek year, and consisted of 354 days. Numa, however, adopted
355 days for his year, from his partiality to odd numbers. The lunar year of 354 days fell short of the solar year by 11-1/4 days; this in
8 years amounted to (11-1/4 x 8) 90 days.”
BOOK I > BOOK I[1] (62/63) · passage 71
· cos 0.59
“17 But if you call yourself a Jew, and rely on the law and boast
of your relation to God 18 and know his will and approve of what is
excellent, because you are instructed in the law, 19 and if you are sure
that you are a guide to the blind, a light to those who are in darkness, 20
an instructor of the foolish, a teacher of infants, having in the law the
embodiment of knowledge and truthó21 you, then, who teach others, do
you not teach yourself?”
T. E. Clontz (translator/harmonist), from original New Testament authors —
The Common Edition: New Testament
· 1st century CE (original); 2008 translation/harmony · Judea/Galilee (original composition)
· primary
[66]
“17 But if you call yourself a Jew, and rely on the law and boast
of your relation to God 18 and know his will and approve of what is
excellent, because you are instructed in the law, 19 and if you are sure
that you are a guide to the blind, a light to those who are in darkness, 20
an instructor of the foolish, a teacher of infants, having in the law the
embodiment of knowledge and truthó21 you, then, who teach others, do
you not teach yourself? You who preach against stealing, do you steal? 22
You who say that one must not commit adultery, do you commit adultery? You who abhor idols, do you rob temples? 23 You who boast in the law,
do you dishonor God by breaking the law?”
(22/22) · passage 229
· cos 0.58
“"The savage beasts," said he,
"in Italy, have their particular dens, they have their places of repose and refuge; but the men who bear arms, and expose their lives for the safety of their country, enjoy in the meantime nothing more in it but the air and light; and having no houses or settlements of their own, are constrained to wander from place to place with their wives and children."
He told them that the commanders were guilty of a ridiculous error, when, at the head of their armies, they exh”
“For Tiberius, maintaining an honorable and just cause, and possessed of eloquence sufficient to have made a less creditable action appear plausible, was no safe or easy antagonist, when, with the people crowding around the hustings, he took his place, and spoke in behalf of the poor.”
(1151/1424) · passage 1150
· cos 0.60
“This, we are told, was the first sedition amongst the Romans, since the abrogation of kingly government, that ended in the effusion of blood. All former quarrels which were neither small nor about trivial matters, were always amicably composed, by mutual concessions on either side, the senate yielding for fear of the commons, and the commons out of respect to the senate.”
“And of the rest there fell above three hundred, killed by clubs and staves only, none by an iron weapon. This, we are told, was the first sedition amongst the Romans, since the abrogation of kingly government, that ended in the effusion of blood. All former quarrels which were neither small nor about trivial matters, were always amicably composed, by mutual concessions on either side, the senate yielding for fear of the commons, and the commons out of respect to the senate. And it is probable indeed that
Tiberius himself might then have been easily induced, by mere persuasion, to give way, and certainly, if attacked at all, must have yielded without any recourse to violence and bloodshed, as he had not at that time above three thousand men to support him.”
(1160/1424) · passage 1159
· cos 0.60
“It is no wonder that the people had such an aversion to Nasica, when even Scipio Africanus, though so much and so deservedly beloved by the Romans, was in danger of quite losing the good opinion which the people had of him, only for repeating, when the news of Tiberius's death was first brought to Numantia, the verse out of Homer
Even so perish all who do the same.”
“Thus wandering wretchedly and ignominiously from one place to another, he died in a short time after, not far from Pergamus. It is no wonder that the people had such an aversion to Nasica, when even Scipio Africanus, though so much and so deservedly beloved by the Romans, was in danger of quite losing the good opinion which the people had of him, only for repeating, when the news of Tiberius's death was first brought to Numantia, the verse out of Homer
Even so perish all who do the same. And afterwards, being asked by Caius and Fulvius, in a great assembly, what he thought of Tiberius's death, he gave an answer adverse to Tiberius's public actions. Upon which account, the people thenceforth used to interrupt him when he spoke, which, until that time, they had never done, and he, on the other hand, was induced to speak ill of the people.”
(1161/1424) · passage 1160
· cos 0.60
“The trouble was infinite, the exactions being prosecuted far, touching a great number of persons, bringing disrepute on Galba, and general hatred on
Vinius, who made the emperor appear base-minded and mean to the world, whilst he himself was spending profusely, taking whatever he could get, and selling to any buyer. Hesiod tells us to drink without stinting of
The end and the beginning of the cask.”
“The trouble was infinite, the exactions being prosecuted far, touching a great number of persons, bringing disrepute on Galba, and general hatred on
Vinius, who made the emperor appear base-minded and mean to the world, whilst he himself was spending profusely, taking whatever he could get, and selling to any buyer. Hesiod tells us to drink without stinting of
The end and the beginning of the cask. And Vinius, seeing his patron old and decaying, made the most of what he considered to be at once the first of his fortune and the last of it. Thus the aged man suffered in two ways: first, through the evil deeds which Vinius did himself, and, next, by his preventing or bringing into disgrace those just acts which he himself designed. Such was the punishing Nero's adherents.”
(1424/1424) · passage 1476
· cos 0.62
“And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.”
“And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, 9 those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; 10 as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.”
BOOK I. Containing The Interval Of Three Thousand Eight Hundred And > CHAPTER 3. Sedition Of The Jews Against Pontius Pilate. Concerning (2/4) · passage 956
· cos 0.66
“And this seems to me to have been the reason why God, out of his hatred of these men's wickedness, rejected our city; and as for the temple, he no longer esteemed it sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but brought the Romans upon us, and threw a fire upon the city to purge it; and brought upon us, our wives, and children, slavery, as desirous to make us wiser by our calamities.”
“Doras complied with the proposal, and contrived matters so, that the robbers might murder him after the following manner: Certain of those robbers went up to the city, as if they were going to worship God, while they had daggers under their garments, and by thus mingling themselves among the multitude they slew Jonathan 19 and as this murder was never avenged, the robbers went up with the greatest security at the festivals after this time; and having weapons concealed in like manner as before, and mingling themselves among the multitude, they slew certain of their own enemies, and were subservient to other men for money; and slew others, not only in remote parts of the city, but in the temple itself also; for they had the boldness to murder men there, without thinking of the impiety of which they were guilty.”
BOOK I. Containing The Interval Of Three Thousand Eight Hundred And > CHAPTER 8. After What Manner Upon The Death Of Claudius, Nero Succeeded (2/5) · passage 1055
· cos 0.65
“And now I perceived innovations were already begun, and that there were a great many very much elevated in hopes of a revolt from the
Romans.”
“4. And now I perceived innovations were already begun, and that there were a great many very much elevated in hopes of a revolt from the
Romans. I therefore endeavored to put a stop to these tumultuous persons, and persuaded them to change their minds; and laid before their eyes against whom it was that they were going to fight, and told them that they were inferior to the Romans not only in martial skill, but also in good fortune; and desired them not rashly, and after the most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers of the most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon their families, and upon themselves. And this I
said with vehement exhortation, because I foresaw that the end of such a war would be most unfortunate to us. But I could not persuade them; for the madness of desperate men was quite too hard for me. 5.”
(3/51) · passage 2
· cos 0.61
“There were some bold young men of the village of Dabaritta, who observed that the wife of Ptolemy, the king's procurator, was to make a progress over the great plain with a mighty attendance, and with some horsemen that followed as a guard to them, and this out of a country that was subject to the king and queen, into the jurisdiction of the
Romans; and fell upon them on a sudden, and obliged the wife of Ptolemy to fly away, and plundered all the carriages.”
“26. There were some bold young men of the village of Dabaritta, who observed that the wife of Ptolemy, the king's procurator, was to make a progress over the great plain with a mighty attendance, and with some horsemen that followed as a guard to them, and this out of a country that was subject to the king and queen, into the jurisdiction of the
Romans; and fell upon them on a sudden, and obliged the wife of Ptolemy to fly away, and plundered all the carriages. They also came to me to
Tarichese, with four mules' loading of garments, and other furniture; and the weight of the silver they brought was not small, and there were five hundred pieces of gold also.”
(16/51) · passage 15
· cos 0.60
“thou most sagacious of writers, [that I may address myself to him as if he were here present,] for so thou boastest of thyself, that
I and the Galileans have been the authors of that sedition which thy country engaged in, both against the Romans and against the king
[Agrippa, junior] For before ever I was appointed governor of Galilee by the community of Jerusalem, both thou and all the people of Tiberias had not only taken up arms, but had made war with Decapolis of Syria.”
“How then comes it to pass,
O Justus! thou most sagacious of writers, [that I may address myself to him as if he were here present,] for so thou boastest of thyself, that
I and the Galileans have been the authors of that sedition which thy country engaged in, both against the Romans and against the king
[Agrippa, junior] For before ever I was appointed governor of Galilee by the community of Jerusalem, both thou and all the people of Tiberias had not only taken up arms, but had made war with Decapolis of Syria. Accordingly, thou hadst ordered their villages to be burnt, and a domestic servant of thine fell in the battle.”
(40/51) · passage 39
· cos 0.59
“But still Philip kept possession of the citadel of Gamala, and of the country adjoining to it, which thereby continued in their allegiance to the Romans. 12. Now, as soon as I was come into Galilee, and had learned this state of things by the information of such as told me of them, I wrote to the sanhedrim at Jerusalem about them, and required their direction what I
should do.”
“we have elsewhere related. But still Philip kept possession of the citadel of Gamala, and of the country adjoining to it, which thereby continued in their allegiance to the Romans. 12. Now, as soon as I was come into Galilee, and had learned this state of things by the information of such as told me of them, I wrote to the sanhedrim at Jerusalem about them, and required their direction what I
should do. Their direction was, that I should continue there, and that, if my fellow legates were willing, I should join with them in the care of Galilee. But those my fellow legates, having gotten great riches from those tithes which as priests were their dues, and were given to them, determined to return to their own country. Yet when I desired them to stay so long, that we might first settle the public affairs, they complied with me.”
(8/51) · passage 7
· cos 0.58
“Christ, And What Befell Paulina And The Jews At Rome. 1. But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from
Cæsarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws.”
“Christ, And What Befell Paulina And The Jews At Rome. 1. But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from
Cæsarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Cæsar's effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images; on which account the former procurators were wont to make their entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments.”
BOOK I. Containing The Interval Of Three Thousand Eight Hundred And > CHAPTER 3. Sedition Of The Jews Against Pontius Pilate. Concerning (1/4) · passage 955
· cos 0.65
“a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and afford them room for repentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so. 8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi.”
“a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and afford them room for repentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so. 8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi. And now arose a sedition between the high priests and the principal men of the multitude of Jerusalem; each of which got them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of those that loved innovations about them, and became leaders to them; and when they struggled together, they did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by throwing stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but these disorders were done after a licentious manner in the city, as if it had no government over it.”
BOOK I. Containing The Interval Of Three Thousand Eight Hundred And > CHAPTER 8. After What Manner Upon The Death Of Claudius, Nero Succeeded (4/5) · passage 1057
· cos 0.64
“There is, of course, one letter to Trajan which has achieved world-wide fame, that in which he asks the Emperor how he wishes him to deal with the Christians who were brought before him and refused to worship the statues of the Emperor and the gods. So much has been written upon this subject that it is almost superfluous to add more.”
“There is, of course, one letter to Trajan which has achieved world-wide fame, that in which he asks the Emperor how he wishes him to deal with the Christians who were brought before him and refused to worship the statues of the Emperor and the gods. So much has been written upon this subject that it is almost superfluous to add more. Yet it may be pointed out that the letter only confirms our estimate of the kindliness and scrupulous justice of Pliny. He acquits the Christians of all criminal practices; he bears testimony to the purity of their lives and their principles. What baffles and vexes him is their "pertinacity and inflexible obstinacy"--Neque enim dubitabam, qualecunque esset quod fateretur, pertinaciam certe et inflexibilem obstinationem debere puniri.”
Book of his correspondence, and which show us Pliny acting as Governor of the province of Pontus and Bithynia. He had been sent there because the finances of many of the cities had been allowed to fall into a shocking state, and because the Emperor wanted a man whom he could thoroughly trust to put them straight. No doubt Pliny, while flattered at this proof of Trajan's regard, felt the severance from his friends and ordinary pursuits which this term of absence necessitated. But compare his attitude with that of Cicero as Governor of Cilicia! Cicero crawled on the outward journey, and when he reached his destination he counted the days to his return like a bullied school-boy counts the days to the end of the term. He writes to his friends in the capital, begging and praying of them that they will prevent his being obliged to stay for a second year. All his thoughts are of Rome and how to return there. The wretched provincials bore him to distraction; he yearns for the wider arena of the capital in which to play the swelling part to which he aspires. There is, in short, not a trace in Cicero's letters from his province to show that he took the slightest interest in his new surroundings. Pliny displays a far different spirit. He reminds us more of the Colonial Governor of our own day. He is interested in the past history and traditions of the country, he is anxious that the cities shall have good water supplies, good baths, good theatres, good gymnasia. He is for ever suggesting to the Emperor that he should send architects to consult with him on some important public work. And these letters disclose to us what a wonderful system of organised government the Roman Empire possessed. Pliny even writes to Trajan to ask permission that an evil-smelling sewer may be covered over in a town called Amastria. If all the governors of the provinces wrote home for orders on such points, the Emperor must indeed have been busy, and some of his replies to Pliny show that Trajan hinted very plainly that a governor ought to have some initiative of his own. None the less, the tenour of this correspondence proves that Trajan held the threads of government very jealously in his own hands. When Pliny suggested the establishment of a small fire-brigade in Nicomedia, where the citizens had stood enjoying the aesthetic beauty of a disastrous fire which destroyed whole streets, instead of putting it out, Trajan sharply vetoed the suggestion, on the ground that the Greeks were factious people and would turn even a fire-brigade to illicit and seditious purposes. · passage 11
· cos 0.70
“61, where Tacitus says, "plerasque feminarum fatidicas et, augescente superstitione, arbitrantur deas;"
*i.e.* they deem (*arbitrantur*) very many of their women possessed of prophetic powers, and, as their religious feeling increases, they deem
(*arbitrantur*) them goddesses, *i.e.* possessed of a superhuman nature; they do not, however, make them goddesses and worship them, as the
Romans did Poppaea and her infant, which is covertly implied in
*facerent deas*.--*White*.”
“iv. 61, where Tacitus says, "plerasque feminarum fatidicas et, augescente superstitione, arbitrantur deas;"
*i.e.* they deem (*arbitrantur*) very many of their women possessed of prophetic powers, and, as their religious feeling increases, they deem
(*arbitrantur*) them goddesses, *i.e.* possessed of a superhuman nature; they do not, however, make them goddesses and worship them, as the
Romans did Poppaea and her infant, which is covertly implied in
*facerent deas*.--*White*. [62] Mercury, *i.e.* a god whom Tacitus thus names, because his attributes resembled those of the Roman Mercury. According to Paulus
Diaconus (de Gestis Langobardorum, i. 9), this deity was Wodun, or
Gwodan, called also Odin. Mallet (North. Ant. ch.”
(53/88) · passage 52
· cos 0.61
“[55] Thus, in the army of Ariovistus, the women, with their hair dishevelled, and weeping, besought the soldiers not to deliver them captives to the Romans.--Caesar, Bell. Gall. i. [56] Relative to this, perhaps, is a circumstance mentioned by Suetonius in his Life of Augustus.”
“This happened on Marius's defeat of the Cimbri (hereafter to be mentioned); and Dio relates, that when Marcus Aurelius overthrew the
Marcomanni, Quadi, and other German allies, the bodies of women in armor were found among the slain. [55] Thus, in the army of Ariovistus, the women, with their hair dishevelled, and weeping, besought the soldiers not to deliver them captives to the Romans.--Caesar, Bell. Gall. i. [56] Relative to this, perhaps, is a circumstance mentioned by Suetonius in his Life of Augustus. "From some nations he attempted to exact a new kind of hostages, women: because he observed that those of the male sex were disregarded."--Aug. xxi. [57] See the same observation with regard to the Celtic women, in
Plutarch, on the virtues of women. The North Americans pay a similar regard to their females. [58] A remarkable instance of this is given by Caesar.”
(52/88) · passage 51
· cos 0.61
“obstructed by them. He looks about him to see whether, even now, he may safely utter his voice, and he timidly asks pardon for venturing to break the reigning silence."--*Tyler*.”
“obstructed by them. He looks about him to see whether, even now, he may safely utter his voice, and he timidly asks pardon for venturing to break the reigning silence."--*Tyler*. [3] A passage in Dio excellently illustrates the fact here referred to: "He (Domitian) put to death Rusticus Arulenus, because he studied philosophy, and had given Thrasea the appellation of holy; and Herennius
Senecio, because, although he lived many years after serving the office of quaestor, he solicited no other post, and because he had written the Life of Helvidius Priscus." (lxvii. p. 765.) With less accuracy,
Suetonius, in his Life of Domitian (s. 10), says: "He put to death
Junius Rusticus, because he had published the panegyrics of Paetus
Thrasea and Helvidius Priscus, and had styled them most holy persons; and on this occasion he expelled all the philosophers from the city, and from.”
(78/88) · passage 77
· cos 0.64
“the fire-and- water formula are not allowed to wear the toga--he first pulled himself together and then, glancing at his dress, he said, "I shall speak my declamations in Latin."
You will say that this is all very sad and pitiful, but that a man who defiled his profession of letters by the guilt of incest deserves to suffer.”
“the fire-and- water formula are not allowed to wear the toga--he first pulled himself together and then, glancing at his dress, he said, "I shall speak my declamations in Latin."
You will say that this is all very sad and pitiful, but that a man who defiled his profession of letters by the guilt of incest deserves to suffer. It is true that he confessed his guilt, but it is an open question whether he did so because he was guilty or because he feared an even heavier punishment if he denied it. For Domitian was in a great rage and was boiling over with fury because his witnesses had left him in the lurch.”
Book of his correspondence, and which show us Pliny acting as Governor of the province of Pontus and Bithynia. He had been sent there because the finances of many of the cities had been allowed to fall into a shocking state, and because the Emperor wanted a man whom he could thoroughly trust to put them straight. No doubt Pliny, while flattered at this proof of Trajan's regard, felt the severance from his friends and ordinary pursuits which this term of absence necessitated. But compare his attitude with that of Cicero as Governor of Cilicia! Cicero crawled on the outward journey, and when he reached his destination he counted the days to his return like a bullied school-boy counts the days to the end of the term. He writes to his friends in the capital, begging and praying of them that they will prevent his being obliged to stay for a second year. All his thoughts are of Rome and how to return there. The wretched provincials bore him to distraction; he yearns for the wider arena of the capital in which to play the swelling part to which he aspires. There is, in short, not a trace in Cicero's letters from his province to show that he took the slightest interest in his new surroundings. Pliny displays a far different spirit. He reminds us more of the Colonial Governor of our own day. He is interested in the past history and traditions of the country, he is anxious that the cities shall have good water supplies, good baths, good theatres, good gymnasia. He is for ever suggesting to the Emperor that he should send architects to consult with him on some important public work. And these letters disclose to us what a wonderful system of organised government the Roman Empire possessed. Pliny even writes to Trajan to ask permission that an evil-smelling sewer may be covered over in a town called Amastria. If all the governors of the provinces wrote home for orders on such points, the Emperor must indeed have been busy, and some of his replies to Pliny show that Trajan hinted very plainly that a governor ought to have some initiative of his own. None the less, the tenour of this correspondence proves that Trajan held the threads of government very jealously in his own hands. When Pliny suggested the establishment of a small fire-brigade in Nicomedia, where the citizens had stood enjoying the aesthetic beauty of a disastrous fire which destroyed whole streets, instead of putting it out, Trajan sharply vetoed the suggestion, on the ground that the Greeks were factious people and would turn even a fire-brigade to illicit and seditious purposes. > BOOK IV. (10/22) · passage 92
· cos 0.62
“[12] Caligula. [13] Marcus Silanus was the father of Claudia, the first wife of Caius. According to the historians of that period, Caius was jealous of him, and took every opportunity of mortifying him. Tacitus (Hist. iv. 48)
mentions that the emperor deprived him of the military command of the troops in Africa in an insulting manner.”
“[12] Caligula. [13] Marcus Silanus was the father of Claudia, the first wife of Caius. According to the historians of that period, Caius was jealous of him, and took every opportunity of mortifying him. Tacitus (Hist. iv. 48)
mentions that the emperor deprived him of the military command of the troops in Africa in an insulting manner. Dion (lix.) states, that when, from his age and rank, Silanus was usually asked his opinion first in the senate, the emperor found a pretext for preventing this respect; being paid to MS worth. Suetonius (iv. 23) records that the emperor one day put to sea in a hasty manner, and commanded Silanus to follow him. This, from fear of illness, he declined to do; upon which the emperor, alleging that he stayed on shore in order to get possession of the city in case any accident befell himself, compelled him to cut his own throat.”
(79/88) · passage 78
· cos 0.61
“most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the Senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case.”
“most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the Senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the
Senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against
Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons.”
Book of his correspondence, and which show us Pliny acting as Governor of the province of Pontus and Bithynia. He had been sent there because the finances of many of the cities had been allowed to fall into a shocking state, and because the Emperor wanted a man whom he could thoroughly trust to put them straight. No doubt Pliny, while flattered at this proof of Trajan's regard, felt the severance from his friends and ordinary pursuits which this term of absence necessitated. But compare his attitude with that of Cicero as Governor of Cilicia! Cicero crawled on the outward journey, and when he reached his destination he counted the days to his return like a bullied school-boy counts the days to the end of the term. He writes to his friends in the capital, begging and praying of them that they will prevent his being obliged to stay for a second year. All his thoughts are of Rome and how to return there. The wretched provincials bore him to distraction; he yearns for the wider arena of the capital in which to play the swelling part to which he aspires. There is, in short, not a trace in Cicero's letters from his province to show that he took the slightest interest in his new surroundings. Pliny displays a far different spirit. He reminds us more of the Colonial Governor of our own day. He is interested in the past history and traditions of the country, he is anxious that the cities shall have good water supplies, good baths, good theatres, good gymnasia. He is for ever suggesting to the Emperor that he should send architects to consult with him on some important public work. And these letters disclose to us what a wonderful system of organised government the Roman Empire possessed. Pliny even writes to Trajan to ask permission that an evil-smelling sewer may be covered over in a town called Amastria. If all the governors of the provinces wrote home for orders on such points, the Emperor must indeed have been busy, and some of his replies to Pliny show that Trajan hinted very plainly that a governor ought to have some initiative of his own. None the less, the tenour of this correspondence proves that Trajan held the threads of government very jealously in his own hands. When Pliny suggested the establishment of a small fire-brigade in Nicomedia, where the citizens had stood enjoying the aesthetic beauty of a disastrous fire which destroyed whole streets, instead of putting it out, Trajan sharply vetoed the suggestion, on the ground that the Greeks were factious people and would turn even a fire-brigade to illicit and seditious purposes. > BOOK II. (11/24) · passage 45
· cos 0.60
“and Stilonius Priscus, who had acted under him as tribune of a cohort. Here the verdicts differed, for while Priscus was banished from Italy for two years, Fuscus was acquitted.”
“and Stilonius Priscus, who had acted under him as tribune of a cohort. Here the verdicts differed, for while Priscus was banished from Italy for two years, Fuscus was acquitted. In the third action, we thought our best course was to lump the defendants together, fearing lest, if the trial were to be spun out to undue length, those who were hearing the case would grow sick and tired of it, and their zeal for strict justice and severity would abate. Besides, the accused persons, who had been designedly kept over till then, were all of comparatively little importance, except the wife of
Classicus, and, although suspicion against her was strong, the proofs seemed rather weak. As for the daughter of Classicus, who was also among the defendants, she had cleared herself even of suspicion.”
Book of his correspondence, and which show us Pliny acting as Governor of the province of Pontus and Bithynia. He had been sent there because the finances of many of the cities had been allowed to fall into a shocking state, and because the Emperor wanted a man whom he could thoroughly trust to put them straight. No doubt Pliny, while flattered at this proof of Trajan's regard, felt the severance from his friends and ordinary pursuits which this term of absence necessitated. But compare his attitude with that of Cicero as Governor of Cilicia! Cicero crawled on the outward journey, and when he reached his destination he counted the days to his return like a bullied school-boy counts the days to the end of the term. He writes to his friends in the capital, begging and praying of them that they will prevent his being obliged to stay for a second year. All his thoughts are of Rome and how to return there. The wretched provincials bore him to distraction; he yearns for the wider arena of the capital in which to play the swelling part to which he aspires. There is, in short, not a trace in Cicero's letters from his province to show that he took the slightest interest in his new surroundings. Pliny displays a far different spirit. He reminds us more of the Colonial Governor of our own day. He is interested in the past history and traditions of the country, he is anxious that the cities shall have good water supplies, good baths, good theatres, good gymnasia. He is for ever suggesting to the Emperor that he should send architects to consult with him on some important public work. And these letters disclose to us what a wonderful system of organised government the Roman Empire possessed. Pliny even writes to Trajan to ask permission that an evil-smelling sewer may be covered over in a town called Amastria. If all the governors of the provinces wrote home for orders on such points, the Emperor must indeed have been busy, and some of his replies to Pliny show that Trajan hinted very plainly that a governor ought to have some initiative of his own. None the less, the tenour of this correspondence proves that Trajan held the threads of government very jealously in his own hands. When Pliny suggested the establishment of a small fire-brigade in Nicomedia, where the citizens had stood enjoying the aesthetic beauty of a disastrous fire which destroyed whole streets, instead of putting it out, Trajan sharply vetoed the suggestion, on the ground that the Greeks were factious people and would turn even a fire-brigade to illicit and seditious purposes. > BOOK III. (13/24) · passage 71
· cos 0.59
“So that the jus imaginis was much the same thing among the
Romans as the right of bearing a coat of arms among us. Ken. Antiq. M.]
81 (return) [ The Roman physicians used to send their patients in consumptive cases into Egypt, particularly to Alexandria. M.]
82 (return) [ Frejus, in Provence, the southern part of France.”
Pliny the Younger (Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus) —
Letters of Pliny
· c. 97–c. 112 CE (letters collected/arranged for publication by Pliny) · Rome (for the imperial correspondence and publication-oriented circulation)
· primary
[37]
“M.]
77 (return) [ "This is said in allusion to the idea of Nemesis supposed to threaten excessive prosperity." (Church and Brodribb.)]
78 (return) [ About $15,000.]
79 (return) [ About $42,000.]
80 (return) [ None had the right of using family pictures or statues but those whose ancestors or themselves had borne some of the highest dignities. So that the jus imaginis was much the same thing among the
Romans as the right of bearing a coat of arms among us. Ken. Antiq. M.]
81 (return) [ The Roman physicians used to send their patients in consumptive cases into Egypt, particularly to Alexandria. M.]
82 (return) [ Frejus, in Provence, the southern part of France.”
(118/158) · passage 124
· cos 0.59
“XLIII -- To CORNELIUS MINICIANUS
[68] Have you heard--I suppose, not yet, for the news has but just arrived -- that Valerius Licinianus has become a professor in Sicily? This unfortunate person, who lately enjoyed the dignity of praetor, and was esteemed the most eloquent of our advocates, is now fallen from a senator to an exile, from an orator to a teacher of rhetoric.”
Pliny the Younger (Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus) —
Letters of Pliny
· c. 97–c. 112 CE (letters collected/arranged for publication by Pliny) · Rome (for the imperial correspondence and publication-oriented circulation)
· primary
[60]
“XLIII -- To CORNELIUS MINICIANUS
[68] Have you heard--I suppose, not yet, for the news has but just arrived -- that Valerius Licinianus has become a professor in Sicily? This unfortunate person, who lately enjoyed the dignity of praetor, and was esteemed the most eloquent of our advocates, is now fallen from a senator to an exile, from an orator to a teacher of rhetoric. Accordingly in his inaugural speech he uttered, sorrowfully and solemnly, the following words: "Oh! Fortune, how capriciously dost thou sport with mankind! Thou makest rhetoricians of senators, and senators of rhetoricians!" A sarcasm so poignant and full of gall that one might almost imagine he fixed upon this profession merely for the sake of an opportunity of applying it.”
(51/158) · passage 53
· cos 0.59
“supported?" Upon which he named a certain person, who (not without several strong and suspicious rumours) was then at the head of a powerful army in the east.”
Pliny the Younger (Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus) —
Letters of Pliny
· c. 97–c. 112 CE (letters collected/arranged for publication by Pliny) · Rome (for the imperial correspondence and publication-oriented circulation)
· primary
[62]
“supported?" Upon which he named a certain person, who (not without several strong and suspicious rumours) was then at the head of a powerful army in the east. I replied,
"'All I've foreseen, and oft in thought revolv'd;[144] and am willing, if fate shall so decree, to suffer in an honest cause, provided I can draw vengeance down upon a most infamous one." The time for the members to give their opinions was now arrived. Domitius Apollinaris, the consul elect, spoke first; after him Fabricius Vejento, then Fabius Maximinus,
Vettius Proculus next (who married my wife's mother, and who was the colleague of Publicius Certus, the person on whom the debate turned), and last of all Ammius Flaccus. They all defended Certus, as if I had named him (though I had not yet so much as once mentioned him), and entered upon his justification as if I had exhibited a specific charge.”
(104/158) · passage 110
· cos 0.59
“The community next adjoining, is that of the Hermondurians; (that I may now follow the course of the Danube, as a little before I did that of the Rhine) a people this, faithful to the Romans. So that to them alone of all the Germans, commerce is permitted; not barely upon the bank of the Rhine, but more extensively, and even in that glorious colony in the province of Rhoetia.”
Cornelius Tacitus —
Tacitus on Germany
· c. 98 CE (early in the reign of Trajan) · Rome
· primary
[42]
“Moreover this quarter of the Suevians stretches to the middle of Germany. The community next adjoining, is that of the Hermondurians; (that I may now follow the course of the Danube, as a little before I did that of the Rhine) a people this, faithful to the Romans. So that to them alone of all the Germans, commerce is permitted; not barely upon the bank of the Rhine, but more extensively, and even in that glorious colony in the province of Rhoetia. They travel everywhere at their own discretion and without a guard; and when to other nations, we show no more than our arms and encampments, to this people we throw open our houses and dwellings, as to men who have no longing to possess them. In the territories of the Hermondurians rises the Elbe, a river very famous and formerly well known to us; at present we only hear it named.”
(20/22) · passage 19
· cos 0.58
“in their sacrifices, or to enter into their assemblies; and many who had escaped in the day of battle, have hanged themselves to put an end to this their infamy. In the choice of kings they are determined by the splendour of their race, in that of generals by their bravery.”
Cornelius Tacitus —
Tacitus on Germany
· c. 98 CE (early in the reign of Trajan) · Rome
· primary
[61]
“in their sacrifices, or to enter into their assemblies; and many who had escaped in the day of battle, have hanged themselves to put an end to this their infamy. In the choice of kings they are determined by the splendour of their race, in that of generals by their bravery. Neither is the power of their kings unbounded or arbitrary: and their generals procure obedience not so much by the force of their authority as by that of their example, when they appear enterprising and brave, when they signalise themselves by courage and prowess; and if they surpass all in admiration and pre-eminence, if they surpass all at the head of an army. But to none else but the Priests is it allowed to exercise correction, or to inflict bonds or stripes.”
(5/22) · passage 4
· cos 0.59
“We are strongly inclined to think that the words might be rendered "similar sects," conveying an allusion to the small and obscure body of Christians, who were at this period generally confounded with the Jews, and supposed only to differ from them in some peculiarities of their institutions, which Roman historians and magistrates did not trouble themselves to distinguish.”
“[335] Similia sectantes. We are strongly inclined to think that the words might be rendered "similar sects," conveying an allusion to the small and obscure body of Christians, who were at this period generally confounded with the Jews, and supposed only to differ from them in some peculiarities of their institutions, which Roman historians and magistrates did not trouble themselves to distinguish. How little even the well-informed Suetonius knew of the real facts, we shall find in the only direct notice of the Christians contained in his works (CLAUDIUS c. xxv., NERO, c. xvi.); but that little confirms our conjecture. All the commentators, however, give the passage the turn retained in the text. Josephus informs us of the particular occurrence which led to the expulsion of the Jews from Rome by Tiberius.--Ant. xviii. 5.”
(45/47) · passage 44
· cos 0.60
“[285] Among the Romans, all the descendants from one common stock were called Gentiles, being of the same race or kindred, however remote. The
Gens, as they termed this general relation or clanship, was subdivided into families, in Familias vel Stirpes; and those of the same family were called Agnati.”
“It was only by special privilege that individuals who had deserved well of the state, and certain distinguished families were permitted to have tombs within the city. [285] Among the Romans, all the descendants from one common stock were called Gentiles, being of the same race or kindred, however remote. The
Gens, as they termed this general relation or clanship, was subdivided into families, in Familias vel Stirpes; and those of the same family were called Agnati. Relations by the father's side were also called Agnati, to distinguish them from Cognati, relations only by the mother's side. An Agnatus might also be called Cognatus, but not the contrary. To mark the different gentes and familiae, and to distinguish the individuals of the same family, the Romans had commonly three names, the
Praenomen, Nomen, and Cognomen. The praenomen was put first, and marked the individual.”
(44/47) · passage 43
· cos 0.60
“Sylla's crimes. Reflect how Antony's ambitious rage Twice scar'd with horror a distracted age, And say, Alas! Rome's blood in streams will flow, When banish'd miscreants rule this world below.”
“Sylla's crimes. Reflect how Antony's ambitious rage Twice scar'd with horror a distracted age, And say, Alas! Rome's blood in streams will flow, When banish'd miscreants rule this world below. At first he would have it understood, that these satirical verses were drawn forth by the resentment of those who were impatient under the discipline of reformation, rather than that they spoke their real sentiments; and he would frequently say, "Let them hate me, so long as they do but approve my conduct." [358] At length, however, his behaviour showed that he was sensible they were too well founded. (229) LX.”
(26/47) · passage 25
· cos 0.60
“and the nature of the charge brought before them, he likewise took upon himself the correction of public morals, where they tended to decay, either through neglect, or evil custom. XXXIV. He reduced the expense of the plays and public spectacles, by diminishing the allowances to actors, and curtailing the number of gladiators.”
“and the nature of the charge brought before them, he likewise took upon himself the correction of public morals, where they tended to decay, either through neglect, or evil custom. XXXIV. He reduced the expense of the plays and public spectacles, by diminishing the allowances to actors, and curtailing the number of gladiators. He made grievous complaints to the senate, that the price of
Corinthian vessels was become enormous, and that three mullets had been sold for thirty thousand sesterces: upon which he proposed that a new sumptuary law should be enacted; that the butchers and other dealers in viands should be subject to an assize, fixed by the senate yearly; and the aediles commissioned to restrain eating-houses and taverns, so far as not even to permit the sale of any kind of pastry.”
(17/47) · passage 16
· cos 0.60
“In order to form a proper notion of the condition of the Christians under M. Antoninus we must go back to Trajan’s time. When the younger
Pliny was governor of Bithynia, the Christians were numerous in those parts, and the worshippers of the old religion were falling off. The temples were deserted, the festivals neglected, and there were no purchasers of victims for sacrifice.”
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus —
Thoughts of Marcus Aurelius
· composed during the reign and campaigns of Marcus Aurelius; tradition places major composition in the 2nd century CE · Rome
· primary
[3]
“Paul was put in the place by Pope Sixtus the fifth. In order to form a proper notion of the condition of the Christians under M. Antoninus we must go back to Trajan’s time. When the younger
Pliny was governor of Bithynia, the Christians were numerous in those parts, and the worshippers of the old religion were falling off. The temples were deserted, the festivals neglected, and there were no purchasers of victims for sacrifice. Those who were interested in the maintenance of the old religion thus found that their profits were in danger. Christians of both sexes and of all ages were brought before the governor, who did not know what to do with them. He could come to no other conclusion than this, that those who confessed to be
Christians and persevered in their religion ought to be punished; if for nothing else, for their invincible obstinacy.”
Section. I have also added a “1.” before the first “thought” in each > BOOK.] (6/9) · passage 6
· cos 0.71
“Mosheim misunderstood one passage so far as to affirm that
Marcus promised rewards to those who denounced the Christians;
an interpretation which is entirely false.”
“The interpretation of this Fragment is not easy. Mosheim misunderstood one passage so far as to affirm that
Marcus promised rewards to those who denounced the Christians;
an interpretation which is entirely false. Melito calls the
Christian religion "our philosophy," which began among
barbarians (the Jews), and flourished among the Roman subjects
in the time of Augustus, to the great advantage of the empire,
for from that time the power of the Romans grew great and
glorious. He says that the emperor has and will have as the
successor to Augustus' power the good wishes of men, if he will
protect that philosophy which grew up with the empire and began
with Augustus, which philosophy the predecessors of Antoninus
honored in addition to the other religions.”
letter which is now extant may be one of those which Tertullian (6/43) · passage 11
· cos 0.73
“If we had a true ecclesiastical history, we should know how the Roman emperors attempted to check the new religion; how they enforced their principle of finally punishing Christians, simply as Christians, which
Justin in his Apology affirms that they did, and I have no doubt that he tells the truth; how far popular clamor and riots went in this matter, and how far many fanatical and ignorant Christians--for there were many such--contributed to excite the fanaticism on the other side and to embit”
“fresh imperial orders in Asia, a thing which had never happened before." But we know that all this is not true, and that Christians had been punished in Trajan's time. If we had a true ecclesiastical history, we should know how the Roman emperors attempted to check the new religion; how they enforced their principle of finally punishing Christians, simply as Christians, which
Justin in his Apology affirms that they did, and I have no doubt that he tells the truth; how far popular clamor and riots went in this matter, and how far many fanatical and ignorant Christians--for there were many such--contributed to excite the fanaticism on the other side and to embitter the quarrel between the Roman government and the new religion. Our extant ecclesiastical histories are manifestly falsified, and what truth they contain is grossly exaggerated; but the fact is certain that in the time of M.”
letter which is now extant may be one of those which Tertullian (7/43) · passage 12
· cos 0.68
“The great blot on his name, and one hard indeed to explain, is his treatment of the Christians. In his reign Justin at Rome became a martyr to his faith, and Polycarp at Smyrna, and we know of many outbreaks of fanaticism in the provinces which caused the death of the faithful.”
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus —
Meditations
· c. 170–180 CE (books composed during imperial reign) · Rome
· primary
[25]
“The provinces were protected against oppression, and public help was given to cities or districts which might be visited by calamity. The great blot on his name, and one hard indeed to explain, is his treatment of the Christians. In his reign Justin at Rome became a martyr to his faith, and Polycarp at Smyrna, and we know of many outbreaks of fanaticism in the provinces which caused the death of the faithful. It is no excuse to plead that he knew nothing about the atrocities done in his name: it was his duty to know, and if he did not he would have been the first to confess that he had failed in his duty. But from his own tone in speaking of the Christians it is clear he knew them only from calumny; and we hear of no measures taken even to secure that they should have a fair hearing. In this respect Trajan was better than he.”
(4/127) · passage 3
· cos 0.62
“And when those who were employed in dyeing purple had been put to the torture, and had confessed that they had woven a short tunic to cover the chest, without sleeves, a certain person, by name Maras, was brought in, a deacon, as the Christians call him; letters from whom were produced, written in the Greek language to the superintendent of the weaving manufactory at Tyre, which pressed him to have the beautiful work finished speedily; of which work, however, these letters gave no further descri”
“After these events the affair of the royal robe was examined into. And when those who were employed in dyeing purple had been put to the torture, and had confessed that they had woven a short tunic to cover the chest, without sleeves, a certain person, by name Maras, was brought in, a deacon, as the Christians call him; letters from whom were produced, written in the Greek language to the superintendent of the weaving manufactory at Tyre, which pressed him to have the beautiful work finished speedily; of which work, however, these letters gave no further description. And at last this man also was tortured, to the danger of his life, but could not be made to confess anything. 8.”
C.D. YONGE, M.A. > BOOK XIV. (20/30) · passage 20
· cos 0.65
“And the Christians at Milan to this day cherish their memory, and call the place where they were buried, the tomb of the innocents. 6.”
“About this time, among the deaths of many persons of low degree, that of Diocles, who had previously been a treasurer of Illyricum, was especially remarked; the emperor having had him burnt alive for some very slight offence, as was also the execution of Diodorus, who had previously had an honourable employment in the provinces, and also that of three officers of the vicar prefect of Italy, who were all put to death with great cruelty because the count of Italy had complained to the emperor that Diodorus had, though in a constitutional manner, implored the aid of the law against him; and that the officers, by command of the judge, served a summons on him as he was setting out on a journey, commanding him to answer to the action according to law. And the Christians at Milan to this day cherish their memory, and call the place where they were buried, the tomb of the innocents. 6.”
C.D. YONGE, M.A. > BOOK XXVII. (11/20) · passage 290
· cos 0.64
“walls of the city, except only the childless and the unmarried. Nor can it be conceived with what a variety of obsequious observance men without children are courted at Rome. 23.”
“walls of the city, except only the childless and the unmarried. Nor can it be conceived with what a variety of obsequious observance men without children are courted at Rome. 23. And since among them, as is natural in a city so great as to be the metropolis of the world, diseases attain to such an insurmountable degree of violence, that all the skill of the physician is ineffectual even to mitigate them; a certain assistance and means of safety has been devised, in the rule that no one should go to see a friend in such a condition, and to a few precautionary measures a further remedy of sufficient potency has been added, that men should not readmit into their houses servants who have been sent to inquire how a man's friends who may have been seized with an illness of this kind are, until they have cleansed and purified their persons in the bath.”
C.D. YONGE, M.A. > BOOK XIV. (13/30) · passage 13
· cos 0.67
“they spread abroad so as to infect the whole republic with evil desires, and did even more injury by their example than by the impunity which they granted to crimes. 3.”
“they spread abroad so as to infect the whole republic with evil desires, and did even more injury by their example than by the impunity which they granted to crimes. 3. Some of them had been fed on the spoils of temples, had smelt out gain on every occasion, and having raised themselves from the lowest poverty to vast riches, had set no bounds to their bribery, their plunder, or their extravagance, being at all times accustomed to seize what belonged to others. 4. From which habit the beginnings of licentious life sprang up, with perjuries, contempt of public opinion, and an insane arrogance, sacrificing good faith to infamous gains. 5. Among which vices, debauchery and unrestrained gluttony grew to a head, and costly banquets superseded triumphs for victories.”
C.D. YONGE, M.A. > BOOK XXII. (4/25) · passage 181
· cos 0.64
“How intolerable would their accusations have been, at least so far as the Romans are concerned, if the Christian religion had been received and diffused prior to the invasion of the Gauls, or to the ruinous floods and fires which desolated Rome, or to those most calamitous of all events, the civil wars!”
Augustine (Aurelius Augustine), Saint of Hippo —
The City of God, Volume I
· composed 413–426; published/issued in installments during composition · Hippo Regius (Annaba), Roman North Africa
· primary
[2]
“In short, not to recapitulate the many instances I
have cited, and not to add to their number others which it were tedious to enumerate, this one thing I am persuaded of, and this every impartial judgment will readily acknowledge, that if the human race had received Christianity before the Punic wars, and if the same desolating calamities which these wars brought upon Europe and
Africa had followed the introduction of Christianity, there is no one of those who now accuse us who would not have attributed them to our religion. How intolerable would their accusations have been, at least so far as the Romans are concerned, if the Christian religion had been received and diffused prior to the invasion of the Gauls, or to the ruinous floods and fires which desolated Rome, or to those most calamitous of all events, the civil wars!”
BOOK I. > BOOK THIRD. (33/33) · passage 118
· cos 0.67
“Let us look at the practice of the
Romans themselves: let us, I say, recall and review the Romans, whose chief praise it has been "to spare the vanquished and subdue the proud," and that they preferred "rather to forgive than to revenge an injury;"[41] and among so many and great cities which they have stormed, taken, and overthrown for the extension of their dominion, let us be told what temples they were accustomed to exempt, so that whoever took refuge in them was free.”
Augustine (Aurelius Augustine), Saint of Hippo —
The City of God, Volume I
· composed 413–426; published/issued in installments during composition · Hippo Regius (Annaba), Roman North Africa
· primary
[9]
“_That not even the Romans, when they took cities, spared the conquered in their temples._
Why, then, need our argument take note of the many nations who have waged wars with one another, and have nowhere spared the conquered in the temples of their gods? Let us look at the practice of the
Romans themselves: let us, I say, recall and review the Romans, whose chief praise it has been "to spare the vanquished and subdue the proud," and that they preferred "rather to forgive than to revenge an injury;"[41] and among so many and great cities which they have stormed, taken, and overthrown for the extension of their dominion, let us be told what temples they were accustomed to exempt, so that whoever took refuge in them was free. Or have they really done this, and has the fact been suppressed by the historians of these events?”
BOOK I. > BOOK FIRST. (6/36) · passage 18
· cos 0.68
“First concord was weakened, and destroyed by fierce and bloody seditions; then followed, by a concatenation of baleful causes, civil wars, which brought in their train such massacres, such bloodshed, such lawless and cruel proscription and plunder, that those Romans who, in the days of their virtue, had expected injury only at the hands of their enemies, now that their virtue was lost, suffered greater cruelties at the hands of their fellow-citizens.”
Augustine (Aurelius Augustine), Saint of Hippo —
The City of God, Volume I
· composed 413–426; published/issued in installments during composition · Hippo Regius (Annaba), Roman North Africa
· primary
[19]
“For when Carthage was destroyed, and the Roman republic delivered from its great cause of anxiety, a crowd of disastrous evils forthwith resulted from the prosperous condition of things. First concord was weakened, and destroyed by fierce and bloody seditions; then followed, by a concatenation of baleful causes, civil wars, which brought in their train such massacres, such bloodshed, such lawless and cruel proscription and plunder, that those Romans who, in the days of their virtue, had expected injury only at the hands of their enemies, now that their virtue was lost, suffered greater cruelties at the hands of their fellow-citizens. The lust of rule, which with other vices existed among the Romans in more unmitigated intensity than among any other people, after it had taken possession of the more powerful few, subdued under its yoke the rest, worn and wearied. 31.”
BOOK I. > BOOK FIRST. (33/36) · passage 45
· cos 0.65
“30. _Of the connection of the wars which with great severity and frequency followed one another before the advent of Christ._
With what effrontery, then, with what assurance, with what impudence, with what folly, or rather insanity, do they refuse to impute these disasters to their own gods, and impute the present to our Christ!”
Augustine (Aurelius Augustine), Saint of Hippo —
The City of God, Volume I
· composed 413–426; published/issued in installments during composition · Hippo Regius (Annaba), Roman North Africa
· primary
[45]
“30. _Of the connection of the wars which with great severity and frequency followed one another before the advent of Christ._
With what effrontery, then, with what assurance, with what impudence, with what folly, or rather insanity, do they refuse to impute these disasters to their own gods, and impute the present to our Christ!”
BOOK I. > BOOK THIRD. (32/33) · passage 117
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“For this reason all the Romans were exceedingly vexed with the man, because, forsooth, after proving himself the basest of all demons, contrary to his deserts he was leading a life happier than before. But God, I think, did not suffer John's retribution to end thus, but prepared for him a greater punishment. And it fell out thus.”
“There it was possible for John to live, disregarding all dangers and enjoying great wealth, both that which he himself had concealed and that which by the decision of the emperor remained with him, and to indulge in luxury at his pleasure, and, if he had reasoned wisely, to consider his present lot a happy one. For this reason all the Romans were exceedingly vexed with the man, because, forsooth, after proving himself the basest of all demons, contrary to his deserts he was leading a life happier than before. But God, I think, did not suffer John's retribution to end thus, but prepared for him a greater punishment. And it fell out thus. There was in Cyzicus a certain bishop named Eusebius, a man harsh to all who came in his way, and no less so than John; this man the Cyzicenes denounced to the emperor and summoned to justice.”
BOOK I.--THE PERSIAN WAR 1 > BOOK I (70/70) · passage 79
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“While he was stirring up all this strife and war to plague the Romans, he also endeavoured, by various devices, to drench the earth in human blood, to carry off more riches for himself, and to murder many of his subjects. He proceeded as follows.”
“break the truce, by employing every effort to bring Alamundur and his Huns over to his own side, as I have already set forth in plain terms in my history. While he was stirring up all this strife and war to plague the Romans, he also endeavoured, by various devices, to drench the earth in human blood, to carry off more riches for himself, and to murder many of his subjects. He proceeded as follows. There prevail in the Roman Empire many Christian doctrines which are known as heresies, such as those of the Montanists and Sabbatians and all the others by which men's minds are led astray. Justinian ordered all these beliefs to be abandoned in favour of the old religion, and threatened the recusants with legal disability to transmit their property to their wives and children by will.”
CHAPTER I > CHAPTER XI (2/3) · passage 47
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“How he treated the Christians I will subsequently relate. Next he forbade paederasty by law, and he made this law apply not only to those who transgressed it after it had been passed, but even to those who had practised this wickedness long before.”
“All of these people, who decided to adopt the Christian faith nominally, saved themselves for the time, but not long afterwards most of them were caught offering libations and sacrifices and performing other unholy rites. How he treated the Christians I will subsequently relate. Next he forbade paederasty by law, and he made this law apply not only to those who transgressed it after it had been passed, but even to those who had practised this wickedness long before. The law was applied to these persons in the loosest fashion, the testimony of one man or boy, who possibly might be a slave unwilling to bear witness against his master, was held to be sound evidence. Those who were convicted were carried through the city, after having had their genitals cut off.”
CHAPTER I > CHAPTER XI (3/3) · passage 48
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“1 Vide Poc. Spec. p. 163, &c. 2 Vide Hyde ubi sup. p. 4. 1 Ricaut's State of the Ottoman Empire, p. 187.”
Muhammad (recited); trans. George Sale —
The Koran (Al-Qur'an)
· c. 610-632 CE; English translation 1734 · Mecca and Medina, Arabia
· primary
[68]
“1 Vide Poc. Spec. p. 163, &c. 2 Vide Hyde ubi sup. p. 4. 1 Ricaut's State of the Ottoman Empire, p. 187. them, which the Gospel was given to promote; and instead thereof continually provoked each other to that malice, rancour, and every evil work; that they had lost the whole substance of their religion, while they thus eagerly contended for their own imaginations concerning it; and in a manner quite drove Christianity out of the world by those very controversies in which they disputed with each other about it.2 In these dark ages it was that most of those superstitions and corruptions we now justly abhor in the church of Rome were not only broached, but established; which gave great advantages to the propagation of Mohammedism.”
C.I.E., Ph.D., ETC. > SECTION II. (2/20) · passage 51
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“over his head, but at the death also of every may who so dieth for the faith, God with his heavenly company beholdeth his whole passion and verily looketh on.”
“over his head, but at the death also of every may who so dieth for the faith, God with his heavenly company beholdeth his whole passion and verily looketh on.”
BOOK ONE > BOOK THREE (57/76) · passage 167
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“the law, to acting upon the principles of equity and kindness, in order the more earnestly to exhort his disciples to an equitable concord, pray where will purgatory be found? VIII.”
Jean Calvin —
Institutes of the Christian Religion (Vol. 1 of 2)
· 1541 (initial publication of the Institutes; this record is for a later 1559/French-collated edition, but the work’s composition spans Calvin’s revisions after earlier versions) · Geneva
· primary
[67]
“the law, to acting upon the principles of equity and kindness, in order the more earnestly to exhort his disciples to an equitable concord, pray where will purgatory be found? VIII. They derive an argument from the language of Paul, where he has affirmed, “that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of things in heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth.”(1814) For they assume it as granted, that “things (or persons) under the earth” cannot be understood of those who are consigned to eternal damnation. It follows, therefore, that they must be the souls suffering in purgatory.”
Book I. On The Knowledge Of God The Creator. > Chapter V. Indulgences And Purgatory. The Supplements To Their Doctrine Of (8/10) · passage 509
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“followed the example of his colleague, and applied the before-mentioned dispositions to those
Christians who became Jews or Manicheans. We know, from a law of 391, that the nobility was infected by the general spirit of the age, because
Valentinian enacted, by this law, that those nobles who became apostates were to be degraded in such a manner that they should not count even _in vulgi ignobilis parte_.”
Jean Calvin (with introductory dissertation by Valerian Krasinski) —
A Treatise on Relics
· 1543 · Geneva, Switzerland
· primary
[17]
“Valentinian II. followed the example of his colleague, and applied the before-mentioned dispositions to those
Christians who became Jews or Manicheans. We know, from a law of 391, that the nobility was infected by the general spirit of the age, because
Valentinian enacted, by this law, that those nobles who became apostates were to be degraded in such a manner that they should not count even _in vulgi ignobilis parte_. In 396, Arcadius deprived again of the right to make wills those Christians _qui se idolorum superstitione impia maculaverint_.(43) The political authorities, therefore, cannot be accused of having remained indifferent to the progress of the evil. We must now show how little power the laws had in a time like that which we are describing.”
Chapter I. Origin Of The Worship Of Relics And Images In The Christian > Chapter IV. Infection Of The Christian Church By Pagan Ideas And Practices (2/12) · passage 22
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“thirsty*.(49) I beseech you, take heed of these things, in case God should deliver to the flames of hell his contemners and enemies, who have refused to wear his yoke.’
“Who may wonder that such Christians allowed the pagan idols, temples, and altars to remain, and to be honoured on their estates, as is attested by the same bishop?”
Jean Calvin (with introductory dissertation by Valerian Krasinski) —
A Treatise on Relics
· 1543 · Geneva, Switzerland
· primary
[18]
“thirsty*.(49) I beseech you, take heed of these things, in case God should deliver to the flames of hell his contemners and enemies, who have refused to wear his yoke.’
“Who may wonder that such Christians allowed the pagan idols, temples, and altars to remain, and to be honoured on their estates, as is attested by the same bishop? St Augustinus, whom I am not tired of quoting, because no other doctor of that time expressed so vividly the true Christian ideas, lamented this monstrous worship, which was neither Paganism nor
Christianity.”
Chapter I. Origin Of The Worship Of Relics And Images In The Christian > Chapter IV. Infection Of The Christian Church By Pagan Ideas And Practices (6/12) · passage 26
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“Many years later, when the Christians were suffering persecution under Julian the Apostate, a church was erected on the
Celian Hill to SS. John and Paul, the martyrs, in so inferior a style to the others mentioned above that it is quite clear that at that time, art had all but entirely disappeared. The edifices erected in
Tuscany at the same time bear out this view to the fullest extent.”
“Maria Maggiore, but they were not very happy in the result, because although the building, which is also mostly constructed of spoils, is of very fair proportions, it cannot be denied that, not to speak of other defects, the decoration of the church with stucco and painting above the columns is of very poor design, and that many other things to be seen there leave no doubt as to the degradation of the arts. Many years later, when the Christians were suffering persecution under Julian the Apostate, a church was erected on the
Celian Hill to SS. John and Paul, the martyrs, in so inferior a style to the others mentioned above that it is quite clear that at that time, art had all but entirely disappeared. The edifices erected in
Tuscany at the same time bear out this view to the fullest extent.”
(3/137) · passage 8
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“When *Julian*
began to restore the worship of the heathen Gods, and to vilify the Saints and Martyrs; the *Christians* of *Syria* and *Egypt* seem to have made a great noise about the miracles done by the reliques of the *Christian*
Saints and Martyrs, in opposition to the powers attributed by *Julian* and the heathens to their Idols.”
“Now as the first step towards the invocation of
Saints was set on foot by the persecution of *Decius*, and the second by the persecution of *Dioclesian*; so this third seems to have been owing to the proceedings of *Constantius* and *Julian* the Apostate. When *Julian*
began to restore the worship of the heathen Gods, and to vilify the Saints and Martyrs; the *Christians* of *Syria* and *Egypt* seem to have made a great noise about the miracles done by the reliques of the *Christian*
Saints and Martyrs, in opposition to the powers attributed by *Julian* and the heathens to their Idols.”
PART I. (90/98) · passage 91
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“yet amount to an unlawful worship; yet it disposed the *Christians* towards such a further veneration of the dead, as in a short time ended in the invocation of Saints. The next step was the affecting to pray at the sepulchres of the Martyrs: which practice began in *Dioclesian*'s persecution. The Council of
*Eliberis* in *Spain*, celebrated in the third or fourth year of
*Dioclesian*'s persecution, A.C.”
“yet amount to an unlawful worship; yet it disposed the *Christians* towards such a further veneration of the dead, as in a short time ended in the invocation of Saints. The next step was the affecting to pray at the sepulchres of the Martyrs: which practice began in *Dioclesian*'s persecution. The Council of
*Eliberis* in *Spain*, celebrated in the third or fourth year of
*Dioclesian*'s persecution, A.C. 305, hath these Canons. Can. 34. _Cereos per diem placuit in Coemeterio non incendi: inquietandi enim spiritus sanctorum non sunt. Qui haec non observarint, arceantur ab Ecclesiae communione.* Can. 35.”
PART I. (89/98) · passage 90
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“So shall he do; he shall even return, and have intelligence with them that forsake the holy covenant._
In the same year that *Antiochus* by the command of the *Romans* retired out of *Egypt*, and set up the worship of the *Greeks* in *Judea*; the
*Romans* conquered the kingdom of *Macedon*, the fundamental kingdom of the
Empire of the *Greeks*, and reduced it into a *Roman* Province; and thereby began to put an end to the reign of *Daniel*'s third Beast.”
“shall be grieved, and return, and have indignation against the holy covenant. So shall he do; he shall even return, and have intelligence with them that forsake the holy covenant._
In the same year that *Antiochus* by the command of the *Romans* retired out of *Egypt*, and set up the worship of the *Greeks* in *Judea*; the
*Romans* conquered the kingdom of *Macedon*, the fundamental kingdom of the
Empire of the *Greeks*, and reduced it into a *Roman* Province; and thereby began to put an end to the reign of *Daniel*'s third Beast. This is thus exprest by *Daniel*. *And after him Arms*, that is the *Romans*, _shall stand up*. As [Hebrew: MMLK] signifies *after the King_, Dan. xi. 8; so
[Hebrew: MMNW] may signify *after him*. *Arms* are every where in this
Prophecy of *Daniel* put for the military power of a kingdom: and they stand up when they conquer and grow powerful.”
PART I. (82/98) · passage 83
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“Churches unto the times of the fifth and sixth seals: for they relate to the Church when she began to decline, and contain admonitions against the great Apostacy then approaching.”
“Churches unto the times of the fifth and sixth seals: for they relate to the Church when she began to decline, and contain admonitions against the great Apostacy then approaching. When *Eusebius* had brought down his *Ecclesiatical History* to the reign of *Dioclesian*, he thus describes the state of the Church: _Qualem quantamque gloriam simul ac libertatem doctrina verae erga supremum Deum pietatis a Christo primum hominibus annunciata, apud omnes Graecos pariter &
barbaros ante persecutionem nostra memoria excitatam, consecuta sit, nos certe pro merito explicare non possumus.”
PART I. > PART II. (25/39) · passage 124
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“What was the character of the early
Gentile Christians? This we can ascertain from only two sources--the writings of their leaders, and those of their heathen contemporaries. According to the latter they were very weak and credulous. The primitive Christians were perpetually reproached for their gross credulity by all their enemies.”
“And when we consider the character of those by whom these histories were first received and believed, the unreasonableness of insisting upon the belief of these accounts will appear aggravated. What was the character of the early
Gentile Christians? This we can ascertain from only two sources--the writings of their leaders, and those of their heathen contemporaries. According to the latter they were very weak and credulous. The primitive Christians were perpetually reproached for their gross credulity by all their enemies. Celsus says that they cared neither to receive nor to give any reason of their faith, and that it was an usual saying with them, do not examine, but believe only, and thy faith will save thee. Julian affirms, that the sum, of all their wisdom was comprised in this single precept, believe.”
Letter > Book of Hermas an inspired Scripture as much as he did the four gospels, and that Tertullian contended stoutly for the inspiration of the ridiculous book of Enoch, one of the most stupid forgeries that ever was seen,) the quotations and supposed allusions in the earlier fathers are uncertain, since it is acknowledged by Dodwell, and also by others, that it cannot be shown with any certainty, whether these quotations and allusions belong to ours or to apocryphal gospels. And to conclude, would you not require as much evidence for the authenticity of the gospels, which relate supernatural events, as we have for most of the classics, and yet if you examine the subject closely, you will be satisfied to your astonishment that we have not so much as we have for the works of Virgil or Cicero; and that we have not by a great deal so much testimony for the miracles of Jesus, which were supernatural events which require at least as great proof as natural ones as we have for the deaths of Pompey and of Julius Caesar, though you seem from your note to think otherwise. As to Celsus, Porphyry, and (13/13) · passage 19
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